More!

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In July 2020, Black McGill students and other students of colour launched Take James McGill Down, an initiative that calls on McGill University to address its “complicit behaviour in the maintenance of anti-Blackness.” They created an open letter demanding that McGill remove the James McGill statue, create a Black or Africana Studies department, create a “resource-based office for social equity” that would provide funding and support for Black students, amend the Harassment and Discrimination policy, and do other work to make McGill a safer place for Black students, faculty, and staff. The open letter has gained over 1000 signatures. On Saturday, August 1, Take James McGill Down’s organizers held a demonstration next to the James McGill statue  “to demand that McGill University take action against Black exclusion and marginalisation on its campus.” 

The very presence of the James McGill statue endorses a colonial figure who enslaved Black and Indigenous individuals and profited from goods produced by enslaved people in other colonies. When he died, McGill left his immense wealth  – which he gained through enslaving individuals and the slave trade – to build a university in his name.This legacy goes beyond James McGill; for example, the Redpath family, whose name permeates campus, also gained their wealth by exploiting enslaved people. 

As articulated by the Take James McGill Down initiative, we must recognize that it is not enough for the University to superficially acknowledge its colonial and racist past without confronting how it perpetuates these beliefs in the present. On the very bottom of the “Meet James McGill” page, in a small, easy to miss font, the University states that James McGill “owned enslaved people, a fact our University acknowledges and that calls for our greater study and scrutiny.” Small print disclaimers about the unfortunate truth do not constitute an apology, let alone a substitute for real action. 

The “Meet James McGill” page also notes that McGill has appointed two Provostial Postdoctoral Research Scholars on Slavery and Colonialism, Melissa N. Shaw and Joana Joachim, “whose projects will investigate the University’s historic connections to colonialism and slavery.” While this work is important, it is only a small part of the greater steps required to address anti-Blackness in this institution. Dr. Charmaine Nelson, a former professor of Art History at McGill whose work is focused on the visual culture of slavery, has explained that these positions are not helpful in the long term, as  “postdocs are the most precarious hires” and only have temporary contracts. We must advocate for long-term, stable, tenured teaching and research positions for Black academics at McGill. This must extend to all faculties and disciplines –  hiring Black researchers solely to study the institution’s anti-Blackness and colonialism is an act of blatant tokenism.

Further, we must hold the University accountable and demand the creation of a Black or Africana studies department at McGill that is, in the words of Take James McGill Down, “committed to Black thought and the study of Black life and experience.” Black students have been making this demand since before 1991, and the Black Students’ Network drafted a proposal for the creation of the department in 2000. It is entirely unacceptable that McGill has not followed through, even decades later. 

McGill must commit to making its campuses and broader institution a safer space for Black students, staff, and faculty. This includes, but is not limited to, hiring Black mental health professionals in the Wellness Hub, institutionally funding and supporting Black-centered events such as Black Grad and Black History Month (which they have failed to do in the past), and amending the institution’s Harassment and Discrimination Policy to better serve Black students, faculty, and staff throughout the University. The University must listen to the demands and experiences of Black students, faculty, and staff, and consult them thoroughly when implementing any changes that directly affect them. 

If you have not already done so, we encourage you to read, sign, and share Take James McGill Down’s open letter.You can also follow Take James McGill Down on Facebook for updates on the campaign. 

The work of confronting McGill University’s colonial legacy and continued racist behaviour goes beyond taking the James McGill statue down. Non-Black students, including the members of our editorial board, must recognize their own complicity in McGill’s historical and institutional anti-Blackness and confront it. The University must be held accountable – this process starts but does not end with questioning who is represented in its syllabi, calling out professors’ racist behaviour, and engaging critically with the University’s attempts to address its own anti-Blackness. As the 2021 bicentennial approaches, we must boycott events that do not properly address or acknowledge the institution’s history of anti-Blackness, colonialism, and racism, and support the initiatives of Black individuals and groups such as the Black Students’ Network. Rather than continuing to allow McGill University to make decisions without direct input from those affected, it is vital for us to support the demands as outlined in the open letter, to listen to and acknowledge the work already being done by Black students and faculty, and to continue to support and join efforts to look critically at the institutions that we take part in. 

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The Daily endorses a “yes” vote for the Motion regarding SSMU support for the fight for free education, brought forth by Socialist Fightback at Concordia and McGill. The motion calls on the VP External of SSMU to commit to building a campaign in support of free tuition and the cancellation of student debt. The motion also mandates that the VP External mobilize for a one-day student strike in the Fall 2018 semester, hold regular organizational meetings open to student participation, and work in solidarity with off-campus organisations advocating for free tuition across the province.

The Daily stands in favour of free education and believes in the value accessibility of all kinds within education. High tuition fees, textbook costs, administrative fees, and the cost of living make higher education inaccessible to most. As a major Canadian university, we believe McGill has the platform and responsibility to set a precedent regarding affordable or free education. We support Socialist Fightback in their efforts to bring down the financial barriers to education at our university and beyond.

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On June 27 2017, Pierre Coriolan, a 58-year-old Black man from Haiti with a history of mental illness, was killed by Service de Police de la Ville de Montreal (SPVM) officers in the hallway of his apartment building. The police officers had received calls from Coriolan’s neighbors claiming he was damaging his apartment and breaking windows. Upon their arrival, officers discovered Coriolan holding a screwdriver. Footage released by Coriolan’s family on February 7, as evidence in the trial against the SPVM for abuse of power, shows the moments of Coriolan’s death. In one minute and 10 seconds, the officers used four different weapons, going from rubber bullets, to taser, to live ammunition, to baton, which was used to beat Coriolan even after he had been shot.

The violent force used to attack and subsequently murder Coriolan sparked public outrage within the Montreal community. A vigil was held at his apartment building, and Black Lives Matter Montreal subsequently took over a stage at the Jazz Music Festival to demand that police officers change their methods of responding to racialized people in distress.

Coriolan’s death is part of a greater pattern in which the SPVM consistently fails to serve racialized and mentally ill people in distress; instead of offering support, police react violently, often killing civilians. Similar incidents include Alain Magloire, who was killed after being shot by the police four times for refusing to drop a hammer he was holding. Only two months earlier, Magloire had sought medical treatment at Sacre-Coeur Hospital, fearing he was going to kill someone. Farshad Mohammadi, a mentally ill homeless man, was shot in the back as he attempted to evade two officers whom he had attacked with an X-acto knife following a verbal confrontation. Mario Hamel, a man with a history of mental illness, was killed by police officers trying to subdue him after he had threatened them with a knife. As of now, none of the police officers involved in these killings have been convicted of crimes.

The coroners performing the autopsies of these men have called not only for better provincial mental health services, but also for the SPVM to receive more comprehensive training in how to aid people suffering from mental illness. The SPVM has acknowledged coroners’ recommendations and admitted that very few of its officers are trained in mental health crisis intervention. In response, they have increased the number of stun guns and plastic bullets in downtown stations and airports rather than following these recommendations. The SPVM, like policing systems across the continent, and the world, is a tool of state violence, and is built on racial profiling which especially targets Black and Indigenous people. The dismantling of the police state is crucial; however, while it continues to exist, de-escalation training and an informed approach to mental illness is imperative. Further violence, even non-lethal violence, is not an acceptable response. When the SPVM harms and murders civilians, they must be held accountable for the harm they cause.

You can donate to Pierre Corialan’s family in the trial against the SPVM here: https://www.gofundme.com/pierrecoriolan

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In 2014 Parliament passed the federal law Bill C-36, which criminalises the purchase of sex, the advertisement of sexual services, and the receipt of material benefit from sex work. In addition, sex workers are excluded from provincial Employment Standards Legislation. Therefore, they lack recourse when facing discrimination and violence in the  workplace, as they cannot mobilize in labour unions. The Canadian Criminal Code also makes it difficult for sex workers to report instances of domestic violence, because of the possibility that their partners will be charged with “living on the avails of prostitution,” according to section 212. These factors push existing sex workers into unsafe working conditions by forcing them to work in isolation without the protection of a business, or to operate illegally to protect the anonymity of their clients.

In January 2017, the city closed down multiple businesses in Rosemont-La-Petite-Patrie due to discrepancy between the business permit and actual usage. After receiving “complaints from citizens,” borough Mayor François Croteau claimed that the presence of sex workers makes neighbourhoods more dangerous for families—a discriminatory argument used repeatedly to pass laws and initiate investigations against sex work. Sex workers’ presence does not jeopardize neighbourhood safety; instead, this stigmatization is used to justify the criminalisation of sex work, putting sex workers in danger. This belief dehumanises sex workers and implies that they are not members of families or have families of their own. Croteau’s statement suggests a distinction between citizens and sex workers.

Crackdowns to keep sex work away from residential neighbourhoods happen periodically in Montreal, especially during election cycles, as demonstrated by Denis Coderre’s re-election platform last fall. Coderre’s claim that continuous crackdowns will reduce human trafficking and the employment of minors in sex work has been applauded by those who believe criminalisation would safely regulate the industry. However, the current regulations do not ensure the working rights of sex workers or address the systemic roots of the problems Coderre associates with sex work. The three million dollar program implemented in 2016 to fight teen sex trafficking led to more arrests, but also cut $110,000 in funding from Chez Stella (an organisation dedicated to improving quality of work and life for sex workers) safety programs aimed at combating sexual exploitation.

Organizations such as Chez Stella’s urgently call for the repeal of Bill C-36 and decriminalisation of sex work and state that sex workers need “tangible services including economic security, housing and health support,” allowing them to participate in the industry on their own terms. The government of Quebec must shift its policies toward respect for the agency and needs of sex workers, ensuring that Chez Stella and similar groups have adequate funding to continue providing resources and safety programs.

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Dyens has come under fire for several reasons, including his department’s response to a 2013 sexual assault case involving three McGill students, which failed to be handled in a just and timely manner. Many students were left questioning the accountability measures in place to take disciplinary action against sexual predators on campus. Dyens has also spearheaded the restructuring of McGill’s mental health services into a less accessible system. During his tenure, mental health services (now Counselling and Psychiatric services) were reduced from a specialised resource for student needs to an assessment and redirection center governed by the stepped care model, a system which triages new patients and then aims to provide them with services on the basis of what resources are available and deemed appropriate. However, many students have expressed frustration that their needs are not being met, as they are instead being redirected to hospitals or denied services depending on the university’s evaluation of their condition. Dr. Norman Hoffman declared that the changes have “destroyed mental health services.” Furthermore, in an interview given on November 21, 2017 with the McGill Reporter about the possibility of a Fall Reading Break, Dyens rejected student demands to organise research efforts around the potential benefits of such a week. His response was a complete dismissal of students’ legitimate mental health concerns. Instead, he focused on how students need to develop “hygiene de vie” – essentially espousing a “pull yourself up by the bootstraps” mentality that denies the lived realities of mental illness. His remarks further illustrate the ignorance with which he began the process of dismantling McGill’s Mental Health services.

It is not sufficient for McGill to simply replace Dyens with a new DPSLL, thinking that this will placate students’ indignation over the state of student life. The administration must take accountability for the duties that Dyens could not fulfill, and whoever steps into the role in the coming years must rectify Dyens’ failures. Specifically, the administration must improve the structures in place to respond to cases of sexual violence. In addition, McGill needs to seriously reconsider and reverse the dismantling of the McGill Mental Health services into a redirection office, and instead provide the students with quality service appropriate to student needs. Lastly, the administration ought to launch a task force to consider the possibility of a Fall Reading Week that would respect students’ efforts to find relief from the mounting stress  of the Fall semester. This move should be accompanied by consideration for the contemptuous disregard experienced and decried by students during consultations around the Fall Reading Break, and in the poorly- thought-out “hygiene de vie” remarks made in the McGill reporter interview. These measures would hail an administrative “hygiene de vie” — a new DPSSL era of responsiveness and respect McGill owes to its student community. 

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In 2015, a Montreal Homeless Census recorded a total of 3,016 people experiencing homelessness. This record is based on a count of people living on the streets, which does not accurately account for hidden homelessness—living without a permanent address. Community groups estimate a much higher population of 20,000 people experiencing all forms of homelessness in the greater Montreal area. In response to the extreme weather, Montreal is said to have invested $778,000 in emergency resources for the homeless, leading to 925 more spots in shelters and 20 community outreach workers to facilitate the process. Shelters like the Old Brewery Mission also employ an overnight shuttle service that transports those in need to the emergency accommodations. In addition, the Societe de transport de Montreal (STM) allows those experiencing homelessness to take shelter in available stations, which can provide temporary relief.

While these measures appear to provide a short-term solution, they are the bare minimum that the city of Montreal can ensure. The STM can only keep stations open to those who need shelter during operating hours, as maintenance is done overnight. The Old Brewery shelter runs a shuttle bus that operates to send people living on the streets to emergency shelter spaces, but the few shelters open 24/7 only operate during emergency weather conditions.Often, shelters are forced to turn people away due to lack of funds and resources. Not to mention, shelters are sometimes not a viable option for those who are experiencing homelessness, for reasons such as the possibility of contracting illnesses. These issues are often ignored by the authorities; for instance, police are allowed to force people on the streets into a shelter for the night. Montreal also features hostile architecture, such as benches designed with middle armrests, restricted spaces in bus stops, and stool seats in STM stations, which prevent homeless people from sleeping or resting in public spaces.

It is up to the newly elected Montreal city council to meet the needs of this vulnerable population, especially in the winter. During the 2017 campaign, promises were made regarding assistance to the homeless; however, the current mayorship, led by Valerie Plante, has recently revealed a $318-million shortfall in the administration’s budget left by Coderre’s leadership. While Valerie Plante’s municipal party, Projet Montréal, has a homelessness platform, its efficacy is limited by this shortfall, and the platform has outlined no promising plans thus far. We therefore call on Projet Montréal to acknowledge the urgency of the issue, strengthen their policy on homelessness in consultation with community organisations, and implement concrete and rapid measures that offer support to one of Montreal’s most vulnerable populations during dire weather conditions. Individuals can contribute to this effort by volunteering or donating their money or resources; below is a list of support organisations for homeless individuals in the city.

Welcome Hall Mission

Online: www.welcomehallmission.com ($5 minimum)

Phone:  514-523-5288

In-Kind: 4755E, Acorn Street Montreal, QC, H4C 3L6

Volunteer: benevole@missionba.com/ Apply online

Old Brewery Mission

Online:  www.oldbrewerymission.ca

Drop-off: (Webster Pavilion) 815 Clark St., corner of Saint-Antoine, Montreal

Volunteer: pvandenbosch@missionoldbrewery.ca

Special Services: Shuttle Bus operation for winter protocol (Dec1) (2:30pm – 3am) with crisis counsellor

The Benoit Labre House

Online: https://www.canadahelps.org/fr/dn/3905

Website: http://www.benedictlabre.org/aidez-nous/

Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/La-Maison-Benoit-Labre-The-Benedict-Labre-House-106194182796549/

Chez Doris (Women’s Shelter)

Online: https://interland3.donorperfect.net/weblink/weblink.aspx?name=E920202QE&id=1

Volunteer: joelle.michaud@chezdoris.org or 514-937-2341 Ext.  238

Drop-Off: contact joelle.michaud@chezdoris.org.

La Rue des Femmes

Online: https://www.jedonneenligne.org/laruedesfemmes/DG/

Cheques: http://laruedesfemmes.org/sites/laruedesfemmes.org/files/Coupon%20de%20don_La%20rue%20des%20Femmes.pdf sent to Fondation La rue des Femmes (1050, rue Jeanne-Mance

Montréal (Québec) H2Z 1L7)

Drop-off: Maison Olga (1050, Jeanne-Mance, Montréal) du lundi au vendredi inclusivement, de 8h00 à 17h00. Particular Needs for Winter: Winter boots (8+ size) and socks, Shampoo products, STM passes.

Volunteer: contact abrunet@laruedesfemmes.org, or at 514 284-9665 Ext. 251

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That same day, Quebec’s National Assembly unanimously passed a motion calling on the government to consider a financial compensation policy for internships for education students in their final year. In response, Minister of Higher Education Hélène David publicly recognized the importance of further discussion. The high profile of this issue is largely due to the mobilization on November 10, which pressured the provincial government to address the issue of unpaid internships. While the policy for education internships is a step in the right direction, we must recognize that this is mainly the result of longstanding grassroots initiatives spearheaded by the Comités unitaires sur le travail étudiant (committee on student work, or CUTE), alongside other coalitions.

It is important that graduating education students receive stipends, but organizations must recognize and respect the labour of the grassroots initiatives from which they benefit. The work of CUTE and other organizations benefits all interns, including advocacy groups like CRAIES, who gain a higher profile and increased momentum for their public awareness work. In advocating for stipends for education students, CRAIES must be mindful not to misconstrue the longstanding efforts of CUTE and other coalitions in their endeavors. The November 10 demands, backed by 15,000 students, concern not only monetary compensation, but also inclusion in the labour code. This entails full compensation, at minimum wage or above, including benefits and job security. This applies to programs where mandatory internships are often unpaid, as well as internships that fall outside the scope of mandatory training. Reducing the conversation to a specific demand for stipends risks co-opting the work of grassroots movements. This was iterated in a statement released by the Association for the Voice of Education in Quebec (AVEQ). Efforts on behalf of certain interest groups should work in tandem with the larger movement of which they are a part.

It is important that students recognize the value of their own labour. Like CUTE, AVEQ works to secure fair wages and benefits for this labour, to the advantage of all McGill students. Yet despite McGill’s observer status at AVEQ, SSMU has delayed having political affiliation with the student union. In doing so, we risk co-opting their efforts, benefiting from their advocacy without advancing the cause of Quebecois students as a whole. Thus, we as students must ensure that SSMU supports AVEQ and CUTE, and stand up for all students’ rights.

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Peterson’s proposal endangers the safety and well-being of students, inciting hate speech and violence beyond the university campus. Peterson has explicitly refused to recognize gender-neutral pronouns. In a recorded interview published earlier this year, he also claimed that he cannot “control crazy women” because he is forbidden to physically fight them. At a U of T panel on free speech, Peterson stated that individuals expressing arguments from a “postmodern neo-Marxist” perspective should be “punched in the nose hard enough to knock [them] out.” When a protest against the encouragement of hate speech led to the cancellation of an event at Ryerson University where he was scheduled to speak, Peterson doxxed two students who organized the rally by tweeting links to their Facebook profiles, thereby deliberately subjecting them to a tirade of hateful messages and verbal attacks from his supporters. Peterson has identified himself as an outspoken supporter of “free speech” in universities, while hypocritically advocating for the suppression of diverse voices on campus by using tactics of intimidation and violence.

Furthermore, Peterson is profiting from this hate speech. In addition to his U of T tenure pay, he receives thousands of dollars a month from Indiegogo and crowdfunding platforms to continue his hateful campaign. He has since amassed international online support from conservative groups and the alt-right, contributing to the spread of violent and oppressive sentiments and to the online harassment of doxxed activists. His behaviour cannot be pardoned on the basis of freedom of speech. Using one’s public platform as a professor and clinician to not only target, but also encourage violence against students is a malicious abuse of power. Peterson’s campaign is not founded on academic freedom, but on dangerous tenets of hate, discrimination, and violence.

As long as U of T continues to endorse Peterson, and fails to hold him accountable for this behaviour, they are complicit in his hate-mongering. Written warnings are not enough to counter the threat Peterson represents to the health and diversity of academic discourse, along with the safety and well-being of individuals on and off campus. We support The Varsity’s call on the U of T administration to seriously reconsider Peterson’s employment. We also call on the administration to uphold their values of equity, justice, and “the right to radical, critical teaching and research” by taking substantial action against Peterson and by openly denouncing his harmful behaviour.

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The existence of this school is crucial to the preservation and revitalisation of Indigenous cultures and identities. If Canada is serious about reconciliation, reparations need to be made for the actions taken by settler governments and their institutions, like residential schools, to separate the Mohawk community from their language and tradition. Karihwanoron Mohawk Immersion School responds to the calls to action of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) related to education (points 6 to 12). It pushes back against a history of cultural genocide perpetrated in residential schools through, for example, punitive measures taken against Indigenous people speaking their ancestral language. In order to preserve the Karihwanoron language, it is crucial that the young generation in the community is provided opportunities to learn Kanien’keha as early as possible. With adequate monetary support, the immersion school could expand its programming beyond the grade six level, enriching the lives of even more young people in Kahnawake, and setting a precedent for other Indigenous language revitalisation efforts.

The Canadian government doesn’t provide the Karihwanoron Mohawk Immersion School with adequate state funding. While at first the school relied almost entirely on community funding, over the years, access to state funding increased via programs such as Brighter Futures and Aboriginal Headstart. Recently, however, these funds have been cut, and accessing the money available has become competitive as more initiatives within the community have applied for it. Moreover, on the fundraising page for the school, organisers state that the school’s chances for receiving state funding are jeopardised because the school does not conform to the Canadian education model. Demands to replicate Canadian systems of knowledge further alienate Indigenous people from their culture, denying legitimacy to non-colonial ways of knowing.

The fact that the school doesn’t receive adequate government funding means that it is largely supported by the community it serves. A recent online fundraising campaign only managed to generate $13,731 of its $40,000 goal over the course of seven months. While fundraising campaigns like these are able to generate valuable interest and activism for a short time, they are often unable to sustain the momentum needed to reach their goal. The responsibility to fund the school should not fall on the shoulders of the Mohawk community alone.

In the absence of state support, it falls to settlers—including those at McGill—to support the Karihwanoron school. Organisations around McGill have used their voices to raise awareness about Karihwanoron, including CKUT, Midnight Kitchen, and QPIRG, who jointly hosted an anti-colonial picnic and fundraiser for the school earlier this year. The online fundraiser is still active, and although the school year has begun, all who are able to should donate and spread awareness. It is crucial to keep this community engagement alive, and to foster greater awareness and support around Mohawk language revitalisation and cultural reclamation.

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Firstly, for some trans people, interacting with birth names can cause anxiety and gender dysphoria — intense discomfort over one’s experience of gender in their body and in social relations. Secondly, the use of a trans person’s birth name on official university documents could ‘out’ them as trans to people, placing them in unsafe situations. For example, a trans person may be outed without their consent in an interview where their official transcript is requested, potentially subjecting them to transphobia and discriminatory employment practices. It should always be a trans person’s own decision to share their trans identity, not that of McGill through the forced use of legal names on official documents.

In addition, changing your legal name in Quebec is a long, expensive, and arduous process. The request must be brought directly to the Directeur de l’état civil, who then decides whether a name change is ‘appropriate’ given the applicant’s situation. Trans people do not need cisgender gatekeepers to tell them what is and is not ‘appropriate’ for their situation. A name change in Quebec also involves the publishing of name change documents to the Directeur de l’état civil website, making it very easy to out a trans person after a name change. Furthermore, immigrants living in Quebec who are not Canadian citizens are unable to change their name and “sex designation” on their official documentation. Quebec is the only province in Canada where a person is required to be a Canadian citizen in order to legally change their name and “sex designation”. When McGill makes it impossible to change your name on official transcripts and diplomas without legal documentation, they make it very difficult for trans students to be recognized for who they are, and they make it impossible for trans students who are immigrants to Quebec to be recognized for who they are.

This needs to change. There is no reason why McGill cannot change its policy and practices, as other universities like McMaster do not require legal documentation from trans students in order to change official university documents. Students should support their trans peers who are attempting to change their name at McGill by pressing their student representatives to bring forward a motion urging McGill to improve the name-changing process. We demand that McGill create a task force to investigate the concrete ways in which changing your name on official documents can be done without need of legal documentation.

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At this time, 12,000 employees lack assurance of when their employment will be secured, and 300,000 students have had their classes cancelled without administrative compensation. The Union has been criticized for taking away student opportunities due to cancelled classes. However, we must realize that the root cause of the strike is college administrators’ exploitative labour practices and lack of consideration for staff and students. Thus, blame should not be directed at picketers. Understanding that precarious work harms people in various sectors of labour across the country, employees and students at educational institutions across the country must stand in solidarity with OPSEU in their fight to ensure that workers’ rights are respected.   

The movement against job precarity also impacts the McGill community. Just last year, the Association of McGill University Support Employees (AMUSE), a union representing student and non-student casual employees on campus, went on strike after failing to reach an agreement with McGill. Their demands included a living wage, improved transparency and efficiency in hiring, and access to resources such as health benefits and ID cards. AMUSE also decried job casualisation on campus, the process through which more jobs are designated to “casual” employees, thus forcing employees to take on more responsibility without increasing job security or pay. AMUSE’s strike resulted in an increase in wages. In the time since the strike, Floor Fellows have also been unionized and are now paid for their roles in McGill residences.

There was, however, a notable lack of support for AMUSE during its strike last year, and the same hostility now colours conversations around the OPSEU strike. During the AMUSE strike, particularly during their soft picket of the Edward Snowden lecture, union members faced criticism and harassment from students claiming that the strike was an inconvenience for the McGill community. Similarly, the current OPSEU strike has elicited frustrated responses from students who are concerned about the ways in which their own lives have been put on hold. While this is understandable, those on the front lines of the picket are working towards a more equitable labour standard for themselves, students, and all future workers. The fight against job precarity and casualisation hopes to improve both today’s labour market and worker’s rights for future generations. Students and allies must recognise the sacrifices being made by picketers in order to ensure that OPSEU’s requests are met. Students should also make their allyship apparent through physical presence, statements of solidarity, and by raising awareness about job precarity and its impact on all of us.

The McGill Daily editorial board would like to acknowledge that Inori Roy, Coordinating editor, is also the President of AMUSE. However, the opinions expressed in this editorial are those of the entire editorial board.

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The recent influx of asylum seekers has sparked xenophobic rhetoric in Quebec and across the country—far-right groups organized protests in Montreal and Quebec City in August, which were met by counter-protests in solidarity with refugees. Many right-wing political parties have also engaged in dehumanizing rhetoric which describes asylum seekers as burdens to the Canadian government and people. In reality, Canada has both the capacity and the ethical imperative to welcome them, many of whom have risked death to escape unstable conditions. The Canadian government should also make reparations for their role in bringing down the democratically elected Aristide government in the 2000s, as well as for the increase in deportations after the lifting of the deportation ban in 2016, which has resulted in the deportation of more than 5,000 Haitian refugees in the first half of 2017 alone.

In the majority of cases, asylum seekers are not made aware of the reality of the Canadian immigration process, and are instead led to believe that Canada is a welcoming haven for immigrants. This misconception is exacerbated by Justin Trudeau’s public image and lip service to refugees. By opportunistically posing with refugees and echoing empty ideas about the importance of diversity, Trudeau maintains a position of liberal superiority without actually pushing legislation that facilitates immigration into Canada. The proposed immigration policies outlined on the Liberal party’s website state that the government intends to open its borders only to 25,000 refugees from Iraq and Syria—less than 0.5 per cent of the more than 5 million refugees who have left Syria alone. Policy proposals reuniting families favour refugees who receive financial sponsorship from family members already partially immigrated to Canada. Family or spouse sponsorships bear the brunt of the socioeconomic cost of settling in a new country. Immigration Canada uses a point based system largely based on economic merit, rather than acknowledging an ethical duty that Canada has to open its borders.

For many Haitian asylum seekers leaving the U.S. at this time, entrance into Canada can in fact prove to be even more detrimental to their circumstances, given that the Canadian government is deporting Haitian refugees back to Haiti, as opposed to the U.S., where they still have status until January 22, 2018. Canadians must become aware of the way their country treats asylum seekers. They need to speak out and advocate for more ethical and compassionate immigration laws, and hold politicians accountable to their claims. Most importantly, they need to actively support asylum seekers by showing up to rallies, donating money and clothing where appropriate, and creating safe spaces for undocumented people. Last spring, for example, Concordia undergraduate students voted to make the university an official sanctuary campus, formally adopting a policy of non-cooperation. This includes, but is not limited to, refusing to share “any information on its current and past staff, faculty and students, or allowing the Canadian Border Services Agency (CBSA) on its premises, in order to protect undocumented community members from threat of deportation.” More must be done to put this into practice, as Concordia’s security personnel still collaborate with the CBSA, but the vote was a good start. It’s time for SSMU to do the same by pressuring McGill into adopting a similar policy.

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