On Monday, February 6, around 4 AM, one of the strongest earthquakes in over 100 years hit Turkey and Northern Syria. The deadly power of its 7.8 magnitude was quickly followed by another 7.5 magnitude earthquake in the early afternoon, and 100 powerful aftershocks were felt throughout the day. According to the United States Geological Survey, it was one of the strongest earthquakes to hit the region. Tremors were felt as far away as Lebanon, Egypt, Jordan and Israel. Four days later, the death toll had reached 20,000 casualties, with 17,406 deaths reported in Turkey and 3,317 in Syria. Death tolls are predicted to keep rising in the upcoming days as rescue teams operate under difficult conditions. This catastrophe hit an already fragile region, as Turkey faces a longstanding economic crisis and Syria undergoes one of the world’s most persistent humanitarian crises. At a greater scale, the McGill community is also impacted as student groups organize campaigns to contribute relief to Turkey and Syria. 

Where did the earthquakes hit, and why were they so deadly?

The first earthquake in Turkey and Northern Syria was classified as “major” on the Richter magnitude scale and broke along 100km (62 miles) of the fault line. An earthquake is caused by the friction of adjoining plates (in this case, the Arabian moving northwards toward the Anatolian plate) until pressure builds up and one plate suddenly causes the surface to move. Two major fault lines trigger shocks on a regular basis in the region. However, larger quakes are less frequent, as Professor Joanna Faure Walker, from the Institute for Risk and Disaster Reduction at University College London, tells BBC: “only two in the last 10 years have been of equivalent magnitude, and four in the previous 10 years.” Although scientists usually know where earthquakes might happen using historical records and geological measurements, it is more difficult to estimate when they will occur because the forces that cause them to happen operate slowly over a vast area, yet with concentrated effects over a narrow region. Nevertheless, their force can destroy lives and cities in minutes. Although building quality is supposedly controlled and enforced by a building code, standards are not always respected. The fault rupture caused the collapse of nearly 5,700 buildings in Turkey, which was particularly damaging given the region’s high population density.  In Syria, Bill McGuire, a volcanologist at University College London, said to Al-Monitor that “many structures have already been weakened by more than a decade of war.” 

What are the conditions in Syria?

Syria has been destabilized by the civil war that has been ongoing for over ten years, creating a chronically underfunded humanitarian emergency. According to the UN, nearly 70 per cent of the Syrian population required humanitarian aid before the earthquake. The earthquake caused widespread damage in northern Syria, including the last rebel-held holdout in the northwest. Within these regions, many people have been displaced from other parts of Syria, many live in camps, and four million depend on international humanitarian assistance. Still, much of the emergency aid from the international community arrived from one border crossing in Turkey, which was heavily damaged by the earthquake. The first United Nations aid convoy crossed into northern Syria on Thursday. International sanctions have also been straining the country’s economy, as the country faces widespread poverty and food shortages; about 90 percent of Syrians live below the poverty line. Moreover, the geopolitical and domestic political situation likely increases the risk of unequal aid access and assistance to Syria since the West doesn’t recognize Bashar Al-Assad’s leadership. Most Western governments will channel their resources towards the UN and international humanitarian support organizations rather than provide direct support. The international community has called to relax some of the political restrictions on aid entering north-west Syria. Currently, with the support of Russia at the UN, Assad’s government allows aid to enter through only one border crossing. The Syrian Association for Citizens Dignity argues that all borders should be opened on an emergency basis. The Guardian highlights that the recent earthquakes in Syria have intensified a humanitarian crisis that is testing the ability of the international community to come together and respond. Despite existing divisions caused by the war in Ukraine and conflicts in the Middle East, it is critical for nations to set aside their differences and prioritize aid for those in need, they argue.

What are the conditions in Turkey?

Turkey’s quickly-rising death toll doubles that of Syria and has further destabilized the region. Turkey has been facing a profound economic crisis, with an inflation rate of about 80 per cent last year (as compared to 6.3 per cent in Canada). Such an economic situation has exacerbated food insecurity in the region, with about 70 per cent of those surveyed by Yonëylem Social Research Centre in Turkey unable to afford food. Although the economic costs are still not fully clear at this time, the United States Geological Survey estimates that it could rise up to 10 per cent of Turkey’s GDP. The hundreds of kilometres of damage and millions of people affected could “completely reset” Turkey’s economy and politics, said Atilla Yesilada of Global Source Partners. A day after the quake struck, Erdogan’s opposition parties and residents in damaged areas criticized the weak and slow governmental response. The upcoming presidential election on May 14 will be a test of President Erdogan’s ability to manage the crisis in the aftermath of the quakes and cooperate with other countries. The perception that the government is not effectively addressing the disaster or allegations of non-compliance with building codes could harm the incumbent’s chances in the election. The opposition also emphasizes the importance of the government in providing aid without discrimination to the affected regions, which include Kurdish communities and Syrian refugees. 

How to help

The recovery process after a disaster has various stages. The initial response involves search and rescue, emergency medical care and other critical needs. Logistics, such as access to damaged areas, often pose a greater challenge than funding at this stage. Secondary emergencies can also result in further casualties if medical care and supplies are not available. In the long term, donations play a crucial role in helping disaster victims rebuild their homes and lives. Here at McGill, the Turkish Students’ Association (TSSM) provides both resources and support for victims and their communities. They will be hosting a second round of supply donations this week, which will be published on their Instagram account. The McGill Syrian Students’ Association (SSA) is also raising funds to be delivered to trusted local volunteers on the ground. E-transfers will be accepted to vp.finance.ssa@gmail.com. Raised funds will be directed to most affected regions and then be used to buy blankets, food, clothes and supplies on-site. Updates and follow-ups on their fundraiser can be found on their Instagram.

Within the McGill Community

Both the SSA and TSSM will organize meetings and aid assemblies in the upcoming weeks to offer support and answer questions. In an interview with Sarah Al-Ani, VP Advisor for SSA, she emphasized the importance of the Syrian community at McGill: 

“Although there are only about 48 new Syrian students that were accepted to Mcgill this year, we have around like 900 to 1000 followers, and we have some events that bring 400 students. A lot of us moved here, there is a large community. It’s just maybe a lot of them aren’t aware of our club or aren’t aware of what we do. ”

Although it may be difficult for a student’s club to reach the greater community, she explains the solidarity that exists among the greater student’s community:

“Even if a friend of mine is not Syrian, they could come to this event or even if someone is not from Turkey, they’ll come to Turkish events. So I feel like even though someone is not Syrian, they feel for it. There is also a large Arabic community. We all feel the hardship that’s happening.” 

Although McGill itself has yet to make a statement about the situation, she explains how raising awareness and knowledge is crucial to grieving students, especially during the exam period, and encourages impacted students to reach out to professors for accommodations. Nevertheless, Sarah points out the important role that McGill could play now: 

“McGill has such a large platform. They have TikTok. They have Instagram. They have Facebook. So for them to use their platform to help us shows their support, shows that they’re allies with us”.

In the meantime, you can always contact the SSA and the TSSM for any further questions or concerns.

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Although “post-Avatar depression syndrome” is not recognized as an official medical condition, the feelings of depression experienced by some viewers are genuine. Cameron’s groundbreaking movie transported his audiences to a place that had never been seen before: Pandora’s colourful and majestic world. The euphoria of being virtually immersed in the life of the Na’vi was followed by a gloomy reality check for some viewers. The earth seemed gray and dull, and humankind felt restrictive compared to the life experienced by Avatar’s blue humanoids. Although some of Pandora’s scenes were inspired by real locations, other aspects make it seem like an unreachable, fantastical paradise. The coexistence of three moons, bioluminescent wildlife, reduced gravity, and a treasure of natural resources all contribute to this world’s magic. Variety reports a fan’s experience after seeing Avatar for the first time: “I felt like that was an amazing dream, but now I had to wake up. I had to return to the doldrum of reality, trying to figure out what I was going to do with my adult life.” 

The post-Avatar blues deeply affected this viewer, but he explains that finding a support network through an Avatar fans’ Discord server helped him recognize his mental health troubles. This shared feeling of disconnect from nature, dissatisfaction with modern life, and worries about our planet’s future could partially be explained by the Avatar experience being a form of escapism, or mental diversion, from the unpleasant socioeconomic and environmental challenges of the 21st century. Following the 2008 recession, Avatar allowed people to find comfort in an imaginary and immersive experience. Similarly, The Way of Water was released after two years of consecutive lockdowns and restricted travel. Additionally, both films find themselves in the context of the climate crisis and amid widespread feelings of climate anxiety. The fast transition from our reality to such an idealized version of it could intensify the ensuing disillusionment, and thus partly explain the symptoms of depression experienced by some fans.

Dr. Quentzel, a New York psychiatrist, attempted to explain this phenomenon in 2010: “It has taken the best of our technology to create this virtual world, and real life will never be as utopian as it seems onscreen. It makes real life seem more imperfect.” 

The first Avatar was the most ambitious filmmaking project of all time, and it revolutionized cinema through a unique 3D technology to create an immersive experience. Cameron wrote his first script for Avatar in 1995, hoping to push the boundaries of cinematic digital effects. Although 3D shooting was still premature in 2009, his team developed a new system called Fusion Camera to shoot features in stereoscopic 3D, trying to replicate what we see with our own eyes. It was also the first movie shot directly with 3D cameras. This was essential for Cameron, who reports: “We experience the world through a stereoscopic system […] visual system (we all have two eyes) and when you see stereo, it triggers regions in the brain that make you feel that you are really there. […] We want to take you to Pandora and feel it and smell it so that you can go on a real journey, and 3D imaging helps with that. […] People want to go to the cinema and have a full experience, not 90%, but 100%.”

For the first Avatar, Cameron also developed an original technique where dots were painted on the actors’ faces to allow motion capture to record their facial expressions. But Cameron’s ambitions were bigger, and technology was pushed even further in making The Way of Water. The sequel was shot in 3D using a high-frame rate (HFR), with major scenes playing at 48 frames per second and slower dialogue scenes at the industry standard of 24 frames per second. HFR creates 3D action scenes that feel incredibly immersive and can even make you forget that the vibrant wildlife of Pandora isn’t real.

Although Avatar’s technology allows its audience to fully enter Pandora and escape from reality for a few hours, the contrasting aftermath can intensify preexisting feelings of climate anxiety among viewers and accelerate this Avatar blues. Ken Wu, the co-founder of Ancient Forest Alliance (a Canadian-based non-profit organization dedicated to protecting British Columbia’s old-growth forests), came up with a three-step cure for PADS: “Get out and experience nature, take action to defend nature and get others to do the same.” Fans have also started sharing tips on reducing consumption and engaging with the natural world. The Way of Water could also raise a wave of ocean-saving activism: Disney and Avatar launched a global “Keep Our Oceans Amazing” campaign to raise awareness of the challenges facing oceans and marine life and to support the work of The Nature Conservancy (Nature United in Canada). Avatar is thus a multi-faceted movie, providing escapism to its audience and yet also relaying an important message about environmental urgency. Pop culture filmmaking has grown increasingly engaged, as political and economic upheavals surely precipitated American filmmaking. For instance, The Wizard of Oz was released in 1939 as an allegory of American politics in the aftermath of the Great Depression. Its fantasy allowed the audience to escape economic troubles and yet regain hope in the nation’s future.

Everyone gets to engage in a uniquely immersive and personalized experience with Cameron’s latest blockbuster. If you haven’t done so already, this is your sign to put on your 3D glasses and experience Avatar: The Way of Water yourself in theatres. Otherwise, the countdown has begun for Avatar 3, to be released on December 20, 2024!

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The number of permanent residents welcomed in Canada each year is based on the annual immigration levels plan tabled in Parliament. According to the 2023-2025 Immigration Levels Plan tabled on November 1, 2022, we should expect these targets to increase to 465,000 new permanent residents in 2023, 485,000 residents in 2024, and 500,000 residents in 2025. This intended long-term growth reflects the federal government’s plan to increase immigration numbers each year to grow its post-pandemic economy, counter an aging workforce, and address labour shortages in construction and factories. 

As labour jobs are in need of workers, immigrants have mostly filled the spots, and now account for almost 100 per cent of Canada’s labor force growth. Worldwide geopolitical challenges have also accelerated immigration to Canada; in March, the federal government launched a new, fast-tracked, temporary residence pathway to welcome those fleeing the war in Ukraine. As reported by Immigration, Refugees, and Citizenship Canada (IRCC), providing support to Ukraine is also a way for Canada to reinforce and display its commitment to democratic ideals. A similar plan has been implemented for Afghan asylum seekers, intending to welcome at least 40,000 Afghan refugees. However, efforts to increase the number of immigrants entering the country have also increased wait times and delayed at least 1.3 million immigration applications by the end of July. In its Fall Economic Statement, Ottawa has thus committed to increasing funding to the IRCC by an additional $50 million in 2022-2023, to “address ongoing application backlogs, speed up processing, and allow skilled newcomers to fill critical labour gaps faster.” 

According to Statistics Canada, Ontario has seen the largest number of immigrants with 227, 235 new temporary residents in the province, followed by British Columbia, with 83,200, and Quebec, with 62,798 (see visual 2). Although significant disparities can be observed across provinces, the numbers are proportional to each province’s initial population size. Ontario is Canada’s most populated province, followed by Quebec and British Columbia.

Similar to the federal level, each province sets its immigration targets. Caps on permanent residency granted to immigrants have been debated among Quebec’s political parties. During the buildup to the 2022 Quebec provincial election campaign, the incumbent CAQ promised to maintain the current immigration policies, limiting the number of permanent newcomers to 50,000 per year; the Liberals defended a limit set to 70,000, and Quebec Solidaire hoped to increase this capacité d’accueil to 80,000. Behind those targets, francophone immigration has also been a crucial element in establishing Quebec Immigration Plan for 2023, as one of the CAQ’s main concerns is to preserve and protect the French language in Quebec. The report shows that the Ministry of Immigration, Francisation and Integration aims for up to 66 percent of French-speaking immigrants in 2023, as part of the CAQ’s promise to have 100 per cent of francophone newcomers to the province by 2026.

Nevertheless, Quebec’s permanent immigration numbers have remained relatively stable throughout the years. They are expected to continue as the plan for 2023 reports that the province could properly admit up to 52,500 new permanent residents in 2023. However, the reality of immigration in the province is harder to estimate. Official statistics show that the 62,798 newly permanent residents in Quebec already exceed the initial target of 50,000 in an attempt to make up for a loss in immigration during the pandemic. Moreover, temporary immigrants also constitute a significant part of Quebec and Canada’s population and heavily contribute to the labour market and the country’s economy. While increasing the number of permanent newcomers sought to address labour shortages, other measures have been implemented to further integrate temporary workers in the market. As a pilot project, the 20 hours limit on the number of hours worked for international students was lifted from November 15 to December 31, 2022.  The government notes that this would allow 640,000 international students throughout the country to work additional hours, and added that “this temporary change reflects the important role international students can play in addressing our labour needs while continuing to pursue their studies.” Although international students have generally welcomed this change, some have approached it with skepticism and suggest that more could be done to address the complex school-work-life balance that many students already struggle with.

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In an open letter published on October 31 in La Presse and co-signed by 30 other organizations, the Coalition des organismes communautaires Québécois de lutte contre le SIDA (COCQ-SIDA), an organization fighting against HIV/AIDS, urges the city of Montreal to request an exemption on the possession of narcotics from the federal government. They address the failure of the criminalization of drugs as a strategy to reduce the ongoing opioid crisis. The history of drug control in Canada has been characterized by harsh prohibitionist policies, which eventually led to the association of addiction with criminality. By the mid-1990s, opposition movements emerged in response to Canada’s criminalization of substance use and identified the unintended consequences of such policies. Harm Reduction TO, a harm reduction advocacy group in Toronto, argues that mass incarceration illustrates the government’s failure in addressing the public health outcomes generated  by substance use. Drugs have historically been criminalized to disempower marginalized and racialized groups, for whom prohibitionist policies are disproportionately harmful. Moreover, prohibition has accelerated the development of synthetic drugs by clandestine laboratories. The lack of governmental control over the production of narcotics has thus led to the widespread distribution and consumption of fatal synthetic drugs. For instance, Nitazene (or Tonis) was identified in Quebec in 2019. Stronger than fentanyl, it has been deemed responsible for a significant number of overdoses in Montreal. Moreover, punishing drug use increases the stigma of addiction and restricts the options of people dependent on substance use for seeking help. 

Jurisdictions across Canada are starting to take action to address the inefficacy and harm of drug criminalization. In British Columbia, significant steps have been taken toward decriminalization and the adoption of  harm reduction policies. In response to a request from the province, the federal government has granted the province an exemption to the federal laws on drug possession, along with a three-year decriminalization plan. Applicable starting January 31, 2023, Canadians aged 18 and over will be able to possess up to a total of 2.5 grams of opioids, cocaine, methamphetamines, and MDMA in BC. While the possession and consumption of those drugs remain illegal, there will be no arrests or charges for personal possession at or below the 2.5-gram threshold. This model has proven to be especially efficient in Portugal, which became the first country in the world to decriminalize the consumption of all drugs in 2001. Since then, the drug-induced death rate has dropped significantly, and it now stands at one-fiftieth of that of the United States. Overall drug use has also declined among the 15- to 24-year-old population. Mylène Drouin, Montreal’s Regional Director of Public Health, reported her motivation to implement such measures in Quebec as well in an interview with CBC, saying that “[decriminalization] could allow consumers to use drugs in much safer contexts and avoid all the prejudice associated with judicialization.” She blames Legault’s opposition to decriminalization for failing to represent Montreal’s public interest. She therefore supports the community’s initiative in calling for change at the municipal level. 

While Ottawa has expressed its openness to discuss decriminalization with provinces, Legault’s opposition presents a significant obstacle in bringing changes to drug control policies in Quebec. Most efforts have been redirected to the municipal level in an attempt to reduce the high fatality rate recorded in Montreal. Montreal mayor Valérie Plante states, “We have shown interest in talking with the federal [government] because we’re seeing people struggling and suffering and we want to put the right tools together to support these people while making sure our communities are safe for everybody.” Thus, by addressing their letter to the Montreal administration, rather than the Quebec government, the coalition requests that the city itself use its powers in lobbying the federal government to bring about change, writing “We demand that Montreal act immediately by asking the federal government for an exemption from drug possession laws to better protect Montrealers and take a step towards a city without overdoses.”

While political pressure can be an efficient tool to implement structural and systemic change in Montreal, efforts can be made at every scale. Harm reduction is one of the ways in which community-based organizations are trying to promote safer drug use. Several supervised injection sites have been developed on the island. Take-home naloxone kits are also available at most pharmacies. Finally, if you are experiencing addiction or wish to help someone you know, harm-reduction resources and addiction treatments are available, as well as a 24/7 helpline.

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September 23 marked another Friday of international mobilization for global climate action, as part of the The Fridays for Future youth movement. Thousands of  protesters took the streets in a united call for climate and social reparations in over 450 locations across the world, including in Montreal.

This strike took place six weeks before COP27, and two weeks before Quebec’s general election. The protest is emblematic of the high stakes faced by political parties. Whereas Benoit Charette and CAQ representatives were escorted by the police to leave the march after being booed, some parties were absent, and others were actively engaging with their supporters. In a conversation with the Daily, Green Party leader Alex Tyrrel affirmed the need for drastic changes in government policies: “we have a government that is making long-term environmental sacrifices for some short-term economic gains. This shows a lack of consideration for the future, for young people, for the protection of biodiversity and for the fight against global warming.” He further emphasized the political urgency that led his party to develop an extensive agenda for social and political justice, expressing that “we must take systemic actions and implement societal changes through the initiative of the government. People are more likely to take individual actions if they know it is a group effort.”

Marie-Eve Leclerc, the mobilization manager at Equiterre, was also at the strike. Equiterre is a non-governmental organization that seeks to motivate citizens, organizations and governments to take action towards an ecological transition. Leclerc agreed on this need for political change: “climate change is happening now and it affects our daily lives, our health, our safety, and the economy as well, with all of the climatic disasters that will befall us. Vote for politicians and political parties who care about the environment and who will address the climate crisis in an ambitious, serious way.” Moreover, she highlighted the importance of political participation, and the role that Equiterre plays in this global cause: “we are asking the government to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and to adapt Quebec to climate change now, because we cannot stop it, but we can slow down the pace. There are 48 proposals on seven different subjects that our Green Coalition suggests and sends to politicians.”

For Shirley Barnea, CEGEP student and part of Pour le Futur Montreal, the climate urgency is strongly intertwined with social justice. The most pressing demands behind these movements are a mandate to end fossil fuel emissions by 2030 in Quebec and a wealth tax to invest in a social safety net. She explained how those measures show the proximity between social and climate justice: “First, a lot of the oppression that many people are facing is caused by the same kind of mindset that’s causing the destruction of nature. For example, the mindset of domination – just like during colonialism. Then, wealthy countries are the ones that are greatly responsible for climate change. The global north has historically emitted 92 percent of global greenhouse gas emissions, but the global south is suffering 90 per cent of the effect. That’s an injustice.” As the march began, she stressed the social nature of the movement by asking all present political parties to remain at the end of the group.

Leading the way were an Innu family, coming all the way from the Matimekush-Lac John community to denounce the effect of climate change on their community, and the consequences of pollution on their lakes. In the front were students and young adults. Most shared a common dissatisfaction with the lack of initiative from the government and from big corporations. But, what brought them to the streets was also a strong hope in the future and the belief that individual actions matter: “I think we will be able to change things through protests and the mass effect, by putting pressure on the government and showing that the majority of people want political change,” said Alexia, a CEGEP biology teacher. Mathilde and Chloé, two CEGEP students, also decided to skip class and come to the strike to demonstrate their will to take action, for the current and for future generations. Despite being 17 years old, they emphasized the importance of going to the polls on October 3: “I think it’s good for eligible voters to go and vote intelligently for people who will take this matter in hand and consider the environment.” McGill students were also strongly present. The Daily met Aglae, a student in environmental science, who encouraged McGill University to further diversify its investments in environmental-friendly causes, while us students should ensure that we act as we can at our level. “I think this strike is important to show how we can act and that we can act for the climate,” she said.

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To be an eligible voter, you must be 18 years of age or older, a Canadian citizen, have been domiciled in Quebec for six months, and must not be under curatorship nor have lost your electoral rights. Your name and home address must be on the list of electors. To confirm it is , you can check your registration or submit an online application.

Where, when, and how can I vote?

Save the date! Election day is on October 3 from 9:30 a.m. to 8 p.m. Elections Quebec will notify you the address at which to vote via mail on election week. To ensure equal access to polls, McGill’s classes, labs, and examinations will be canceled October 3 in all faculties. Moreover, your employer must ensure that you have four consecutive hours to vote during this time range. You will also be able to vote in advance polls directly on campus at 680 Sherbrooke Street West, on September 23, 27 and 28 from 9:30 am. to 8 pm and September 29 from 9:30 a.m. to 2 p.m. 

What is the current state of the campaign?

Currently, the National Assembly of Quebec is dominated by the Coalition Avenir Quebec (CAQ), led by François Legault, with a majority of 76 seats. The Quebec Liberals (QLP) have 27 seats, Québec Solidaire (QS) has 10, the Parti Québécois (PQ) has seven, and the Conservative Party of Quebec (CPQ) holds one seat.  

According to a poll conducted by Mainstreet Research on September 12 on a sample of 1,529 citizens , the CAQ is ahead with 37 per cent of voter’s intentions, followed by  18 per cent for the PCQ, 15 per cent for the PLQ, ten per cent for the QS, and seven per cent for the PQ.

Based on polling up to this point from Mainstreet Research and other firms, the CAQ has been leading polls. Québec Solidaire, however, is ahead among the younger voting demographic (18-34). Their agenda, which includes reforms like “surcharging SUVs and other polluting vehicles, creating new taxes on wealth and large inheritances, and a promise to buy 10,000 homes to resell at a discount”, reportedly appear to be the most appealing to young voters. These key promises directly target the youth’s main concerns, namely the economy, the environment, and housing. Yet, the question remains on how to encourage them, who  represent almost a third of the electorate, to cast their ballots on election day.

What is at stake for this election?

Inflation in Quebec rose to 7.3% in July 2022 and since then has generated debates between parties on how to alleviate the cost of living. The main divide in the race is between the PQ and other parties. While the PQ opted for progressive and temporary measures, such as one-time payments of $1,200 for people making less than $50,000, and $750 for those making between $50,000 and $80,000, most candidates have promised to cut down taxes. Economist Bouchard-St-Amant pointed out the relevance and efficiency of the PQ’s plan, compared to the tax-cut approach that may come at the expense of Quebec and its future generations’ finances.  

The upcoming climate strike on September 23 demonstrates once again the public’s concern for environmental issues. As shown by a CBC survey, it is one of the Quebecers’ top priorities, with 31 per cent of respondents placing environment as the most important issue in this election. But just as the 2018 CAQ’s objective to reduce greenhouse gas emissions of 37.5 per cent by 2030 lacks an effective and viable set of measures, other parties are also reluctant in proposing tough policy changes. Measures that appear too costly (eg. gas taxes) or drastic (eg. shift in diet) for the electorate have led Quebec’s political parties to turn to long-term plans, despite the immediate climate urgency. On one end of the spectrum is the CPQ, who chooses not to set emission targets and rather reward customers for saving energy, and the CAQ reinforcing the shift to electric cars to reach its 2030’s target (which now also might not be sufficient to meet the deadline). On the other end of the spectrum are the Liberals, who have placed the environment as their main focus and offer a $100B plan to develop a green hydrogen industry. The QS and PQ both have similar ambitions when it comes to increasing protected areas and agricultural lands, along with plans to invest in public transit in the hope to reduce emissions by 50% by 2030. 

Historically an affordable province to live in, Quebec’s rents have been skyrocketing since December 2021. Montreal has been hit the hardest by the nationwide housing crisis with an ever-low vacancy rate of 3 per cent this year. All parties offer different solutions to provide affordable housing. On the one hand, the CAQ plans on investing $3.7 billion over six years to build affordable housing units (HLMs), and the QLP and CPQ aim to eliminate welcome taxes respectively for first-time home buyers, and young families. On the other hand, PQ and QS both promise a rental price registry and more rent control. However, the PQ has committed to the construction of intergenerational housing, whereas the QS promotes the construction of 50,000 energy-efficient social housing units.

Why is it also important for the rest of Canada?

Quebec’s provincial elections have brought interest from the federal government and proved to be of nationwide importance – with a strengthened focus on some parties’ separatists tendencies, threatening national unity and generating tensions with the federal government.

The debate around bills 21 and 96, respectively targeting secularism laws and reinforcing rules around the use of the French language, has been prominent in this race. At the federal level, the bills raise the question of whether they undermine constitutional values, as stated in the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedom. Consequently, the debate further reinforces Quebec’s identity as its own nation, and thus shows its reluctance to conform to the federal legislature. 

Legault’s focus on increasing Quebec’s autonomy over the past few years has also been shown through his immigration policy, significantly diverging from Trudeau’s national ambitions. Legault set a limited “capacité d’accueil” of about 50,000 newcomers per year, mainly to protect the French language and Quebec’s culture. While he hopes to maintain this threshold, the Parti Quebecois aims for 35,000 a year, and other parties are proposing higher numbers. Regardless of his position as the middleman on this issue, Legault’s policy doesn’t match the increase in immigration targeted at the federal level, from 431,645 permanent residents in 2022, to 447,055 in 2023 and 451,000 in 2024. 

While the Party Québecois has historically been in support of independence, it has recently been questioning its relevance due to a lack of popular support after two failed referendums. Appeal to the public opinion is essential for the National Assembly to represent our interests at best, and casting your ballot is indeed the best way to do so!

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