A brief history

On April 24, 1996, the National Basketball Association’s (NBA) board of governors approved the concept of the WNBA, set to begin play in June of 1997. The WNBA was first slated to be a summer league to showcase basketball talent in the US, with women playing a short, 28-game season. It was initially pitched as a summer league so that the WNBA wouldn’t have to compete with the already-established NBA, and players could augment their salaries by continuing to play abroad during the regular season. The WNBA, at its inception, featured eight teams, all owned by the NBA: the Eastern Conference included the Charlotte Sting, Cleveland Rockers, Houston Comets, and the New York Liberty; the Western Conference included the Los Angeles Sparks, Phoenix Mercury, Sacramento Monarchs, and the Utah Stars. On June 21, 1997, the WNBA was officially launched with a ceremonial jump ball between Lisa Leslie of the Los Angeles Sparks and Kym Hampton of the New York Liberty. In 1999, the WNBA held its first All-Star game, an achievement kicked off by the famous Whitney Houston singing the national anthem. 

Today, while teams have changed, the WNBA stands strong as one of the most prolific leagues for women’s sports in North America. There are currently 12 teams in the WNBA: independently owned are the Atlanta Dream, Chicago Sky, Connecticut Sun, Dallas Wings, Las Vegas Aces, Los Angeles Sparks, and the Seattle Storm; still connected to the NBA are the New York Liberty, Indiana Fever, Minnesota Lynx, Phoenix Mercury, and the Washington Mystics. In addition to having expanded franchises, the WNBA has a regular 34-game season plus annual All-Star games. While the league started off with a single elimination style final-four championship, the post-season currently features eight teams who earn their playoff bids with the best end-of-season records.

Champions

2020: Seattle Storm

2019: Washington Mystics

2018: Seattle Storm

2017: Minnesota Lynx

2016: Los Angeles Sparks

2015: Minnesota Lynx

2014: Phoenix Mercury

2013: Minnesota Lynx

2012: Indiana Fever

2011: Minnesota Lynx

2010: Seattle Storm

2009: Phoenix Mercury

2008: Detroit Shock

2007: Phoenix Mercury

2006: Detroit Shock

2005: Sacramento Monarchs

2004: Seattle Storm

2003: Detroit Shock

2002: Los Angeles Sparks

2001: Los Angeles Sparks

2000: Houston Comets

1999: Houston Comets

1998: Houston Comets

1997: Houston Comets

The WNBA and the queer community

The WNBA has always been a place where social justice is important. When the league opened play, there was a strong gay community within the fan-base and it was common knowledge that some players within the WNBA were in queer relationships. While the league initially seemed to have a “don’t ask, don’t tell” policy with this (the league’s site only announced the marriages of heterosexual players until the 2000’s), this didn’t prevent franchises from selectively acknowledging annual Pride Day events. In 2002, the New York Liberty’s Sue Wicks became one of the first WNBA players to publicly come out. This was followed by the increasing acceptance and visibility of queer players, with the likes of Seimone Augustus, Diana Taurasi, and Sue Bird all publicly showing and talking about their queer relationships. The WNBA was also the first pro league to launch an official Pride campaign in 2014, with the designation of a nationally televised “Pride Game,” participation in local Pride festivals, and targetted advertising with lesbian media.

The WNBA and the fight for racial justice

The players in the WNBA have been way-makers in the case of publicly expressing support for racial justice. On July 9, 2016, the Minnesota Lynx wore custom shirts that read “Change Starts With Us: Justice & Accountability,” with the back of their shirts honouring Philando Castile and Alton Sterling, two Black men murdered by police. The New York Liberty and the Phoenix Mercury followed suit shortly after, wearing custom black shirts during their warm-ups that read #BlackLivesMatter. After the league itself issued fines to these teams and players for uniform violations, the players stood strong and stood together: following a game against each other after fines had been issued, the New York Liberty and Indiana Fever held media blackouts, refusing to answer questions about basketball until they felt their concerns had been adequately addressed. Even after fines were rescinded, the Indiana Fever team took a knee during the national anthem that played before their playoff game against the Phoenix Mercury. Two Phoenix Mercury players also took a knee, an objective sign of support for the National Football League’s Colin Kaepernick’s kneeling protest against racial injustice across the US.

Dynasties

1. Seattle Storm (2000-present)

• Championships: four, in 2004, 2010, 2018, 2020
• League all-timers: Sue Bird in assists (3031), and games (545)
  • Face of the franchise: Sue Bird (2002-present) 

2. Minnesota Lynx (1999-present)

• Championships: four, in 2011, 2013, 2015, 2017
• League all-timers: Maya Moore (MVP in 2014) and Sylvia Fowles (MVP in 2017) 
  • Sylvia Fowles in rebounds (3640)
  • Face of the franchise: Seimone Augustus (2006-2019)

3. Los Angeles Sparks (1997-present)

• Championships: three, in 2001, 2002, 2016
• League all-timers: Nneka Ogwumike (MVP 2016) Candace Parker (MVP 2008, 2013), Lisa Leslie (MVP 2001, 2004, 2006)
  • Lisa Leslie also career stats leader in WNBA for defensive rating (88.43) 
  • Face of the franchise: Lisa Leslia (1997-2009)

4. Phoenix Mercury (1997-present)

• Championships: three, in 2007, 2009, 2014
• League all-timers: Diana Taurasi (MVP 2009) 
  • Diana Taurasi also highest in points (9161), 3-pointers made/attempted, and free throws made/attempted 
  • Face of the franchise: Diana Taurasi (2004-present)

5. Houston Comets (1997-2008; folded due to 2008 financial crisis)

• Championships: four, in 1997, 1998, 1999, 2000
• League all-timers: Sheryle Swoopes (MVP in 2000, 2002, 2005) and Cynthia Cooper (1997, 1998) 
  • Cynthia Cooper lead in scoring average (20.98), minutes per game average (35.19) and player efficiency rating (28.72)
  • Face of the franchise: Sheryl Swoopes (1997-2007)

Playmakers: on and off the court

Sheryl Swoopes (Houston Comets): first woman to have a Nike signature shoe, 1995

Tina Thompson (Houston Comets): first-ever draft pick in the WNBA, 1997

Teresa Weatherspoon (New York Liberty): first buzzer-beater in a finals game against the Houston Comets, shot with 2.4 seconds on the clock from half-court to put the Liberty up 68-67, 1999

Lisa Leslie (Los Angeles Sparks): first woman to dunk in the WNBA in a game against the Miami Sol, 2002

Candace Parker (Los Angeles Sparks): first MVP and rookie of the year in the same season, 2008

Cynthia Cooper-Dyke (Houston Comets): first WNBA player in the Basketball Hall of Fame, 2010

Rebekkah Brunson (Sacramento Monarchs and Minnesota Lynx): only player to win five WNBA titles, 2017

Diana Taurasi (Phoenix Mercury): first player with 1,000 3-pointers in the WNBA, 2018

Elena Delle Donne (Washington Mystics): first player to join the 50-40-90 club, 2019

Nneka Ogwumike (Los Angeles Sparks): first WNBA Players Association President to negotiate six-figure average earnings, 2020

Sue Bird (Seattle Storm): first to win titles in three different decades, 2020

Layshia Clarendon (New York Liberty): first openely trans, non-binary player, 2020

Renee Montgomery (Atlanta Dream owner): first former player to be a team owner and executive, 2021

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Earl Watson, a former Suns and current Toronto Raptors coach, is one of the individuals named in Baxter’s article. According to Watson as well as several other sources, Sarver frequently used the N-word to refer to players, justifying his use with the fact that he had heard Black players and staff use it previously. When staff, such as Watson, called Sarver out and explained that his use of the N-word was unacceptable, Sarver brushed them off and continued nonetheless.

Incidents like these were common throughout Sarver’s 17-year tenure as owner. Watson and other coaching staff also testified to Sarver’s constant beration of Black coaching staff: Sarver was known to aggressively confront coaches in intermissions and after games, clearly stepping outside the regular jurisdiction of franchise owners. Assistant coach Corliss Williamson said that an older, white male owner aggressively  confronting him, a Black man, in the coaches room carried explicit racial connotations.

Sarver’s behaviour set the tone for the rest of the organization – non-executive employees also testified to how Sarver created a workplace where racist abuse was encouraged and protected. In another incident, a white executive repeatedly called a Black employee “Carlton” (referring to the character in The Fresh Prince of Bel-Air), despite being told to stop several times by said employee. Even though racism was rampant within the organization, employees were left with little recourse in the face of such harassment. A former Human Resources (HR) employee detailed how workers were specifically told not to file complaints, and often feared retaliation from the organization if they did. On multiple occasions, including a complaint of racial discrimination raised by a Black employee regarding promotions for white colleagues, employees who raised problems with HR were soon told that they “no longer fit the [Suns] organization.” The standard consequence for reporting discrimination within the Suns was retaliation in the form of being fired, creating a place where employees’ safety, particularly the safety of Black employees, came secondary to maintaining the public image of white executives. When legal action was instigated against the organization, the Suns would settle – a former employee recounted how executives were mainly concerned with the potential of “bad press,” rather than the issue of racism itself.

Baxter’s report also provides numerous examples of an unchecked culture of misogyny within the Suns organization, enabled and enforced by Sarver. Women within the organization often either witnessed or were themselves subjected to verbal “barrages” from male executives, including an incident where Sarver berated a woman so heavily she broke down in tears. In response to this incident, Sarver only asked: “Why do all you women around here cry so much?” Many women spoke about being entirely resigned to being sexually harassed within the Suns organization, chalking it up to a feature of the work environment. This caused long-term psychological damage to the women on staff, resulting in increased anxiety, depression, and thoughts of suicide.

Perhaps one of the most alarming elements of Sarver’s behaviour is how he figures himself as the team’s owner. According to one female employee, Sarver would frequently use language such as “Do I own you? Are you one of mine?” when speaking to employees. This was a well-documented occurrence among staff, with several testifying to Sarver’s repeated use of the word “inventory” to describe staffers and players. Another former staffer said “[Sarver] likes people to know that he’s in charge. He wants control. He wants control of every situation and every person.” Sarver’s racism and misogyny go hand in hand, allowing him and his organization to assert control over those in the franchise and dehumanize staff and players while simultaneously profiting off of their labour. This should be situated within a larger understanding of the relationships between players and franchise owners in the NBA – as journalist Jesse Washington pointed out, this is a league where a group of nearly all-white team owners act with impunity while profiting off majority-Black players. Black players make the NBA and its teams what they are, generating fan involvement and billions in league revenue, all while white franchise owners create environments that encourage racist and sexist abuse of staff and players.

This isn’t the first time an NBA franchise owner has been exposed for racism and misogyny; in 2014, then-owner of the Los Angeles Clippers, Donald Sterling, was recorded on a racist and explicitly anti-Black tirade to his then-girlfriend, V. Stiviano. Sterling, like Sarver, accumulated his wealth through real estate, and previously had a racial discrimination lawsuit launched against him by former Clippers general manager Elgin Baylor in addition to several federally prosecuted housing discrimination lawsuits. TMZ’s leak of the tape with Sterling’s racist rant, in which he ordered Stiviano not to associate with Black people, resulted in widespread outrage from both the Clippers players and the league at large. NBA players threatened to boycott playoff games if the NBA commissioner didn’t remove Sterling from the league quickly. Despite resistance from other white franchise owners, who could have kicked out Sterling if three quarters of them had voted to do so, commissioner Adam Sterling sided with players and unilaterally banned Sterling from the NBA for life.

The NBA has the power to take action against franchise owners who are racist, misogynistic, or otherwise discriminatory. Since the publishing of Baxter’s ESPN report, the NBA has asked a law firm to investigate the Phoenix Suns organization. The WNBA and NBA Players Association have also reviewed the allegations made against Sarver, with the WNBA opening up an investigation of their own. All that remains to be seen is whether or not these investigations result in concrete action, or a further denial of racist and misogynistic abuse. The NBA cannot continue to profit off the labour of Black staff and players without addressing and persecuting racist franchise owners. 

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In an interview with TSN on October 27, Kyle Beach bravely came forward as the plaintiff in a sexual assault lawsuit against the Chicago Blackhawks. Beach, previously named as ‘John Doe 1’ in legal documents, filed the suit against Chicago for failing to punish the team’s former video coach, Brad Aldrich, after he sexually assaulted Beach in 2010.

Beach’s case speaks not only to the toxic culture of silence in professional hockey that enables abuse, but to a general lack of accountability within the National Hockey League (NHL). Kyle Beach was a 2008 first-round draft pick, and a part of Chicago’s team during their Stanley Cup victory in 2010. The assault that Beach described took place in May of that year during Chicago’s playoff run, and was notably brought to the attention of senior staff on the team shortly after it occurred. Al MacIsaac, then-director of hockey operations for Chicago, was informed that there was a sexual encounter between Beach and Aldrich, which Beach explicitly characterized as non-consensual. On May 23, 2010, Chicago’s senior management – their Head Coach, President, General Manager, Assistant General Manager, and Mental Skills Coach – held a meeting to discuss the ensuing course of action. For them, the decision was disgustingly simple: until they had won the Stanley Cup, they would do nothing. Senior management deliberately chose the “win-at-all-costs” logic; in a more recent interview, then-general manager Stan Bowman recalled head coach Joel Quenneville’s words during the meeting: “it was hard for the team to get to where they were, and they could not deal with this issue now.” In doing so, they decided that the health and safety of their players came secondary to taking home the Cup.

Following this meeting, senior management waited three whole weeks to contact Chicago’s human resources head – a delay “that violated the organization’s sexual harassment policy,” according to the Associated Press. During the interim, Aldrich continued to work and travel with the team. When HR finally did talk to Aldrich, it  was after they gave him the option to either undergo an investigation or resign. Aldrich chose to resign and relocate, and as such received severance pay, a playoff bonus, championship ring, and his name engraved on the Stanley Cup. In his interview with TSN, Beach recounted the impact of seeing Aldrich allowed to hoist the cup even after he had reported the assault: “it made me feel like nothing. It made me feel like I didn’t exist. It made me feel like, that I wasn’t important and…it made me feel like he was in the right and I was wrong.” There were absolutely no material consequences for Aldrich’s actions, and he went on to work as the Miami (Ohio) University’s director of hockey operations. While in this position, Aldrich sexually assaulted two more people – a Miami student who worked at the rink and a summer hockey camp intern. Following his resignation from this position (presumably related to the assaults), Aldrich assaulted a high school student while working as a volunteer high school hockey coach. This incident was investigated by the police, and while Aldrich was convicted of criminal sexual conduct and sentenced to jail time, the Chicago Blackhawks management team was extremely unhelpful in the course of the investigation. When the police contacted Chicago HR for information on Aldrich, the director refused to divulge any details beyond the fact that he had resigned. Although practically everyone in leadership positions within the Chicago organization knew about the assault, they failed to take any action. This resulted not only in the further ostracization of Beach by teammates, who Beach said knew about and commonly referenced the assault, but also to Aldrich continuing to assault people over whom he held power.  By allowing Aldrich to resign, Chicago actively enabled further abuse.

Chicago’s enabling of abuse is indicative of larger problems within the world of professional hockey. Allegations of abuse are often swept under the rug, justified by a drive for a winning team. Additionally, Chicago stood firmly behind their star player Patrick Kane in 2010 when he was accused of sexual assault. Although the complainant eventually withdrew charges, the team allowed Kane to attend training camp while he was under investigation. When the press attempted to question Kane, management insisted that journalists stick to “hockey only.” League commissioner Gary Bettman repeatedly tried to dodge questions regarding Kyle Beach from journalists during a recent press conference, and defended his decision to give Chicago a fine less than one previously issued for a salary cap violation. Bettman also allowed Joel Quenneville, the coach who failed to act on Beach’s 2010 allegations, to coach a game after Beach identified himself publicly, all for the sanctity of ‘the game’. The NHL continues to prioritize profit over the health and safety of its players, and while it claims to have concrete sexual abuse policy, this policy has yet to be seen by the public, and yet to result in an appropriate investigation and restoration process for survivors. Calls to “stick to hockey” are widely reproduced whenever players attempt to bring the toxic culture of professional hockey to light, whether it be in response to sexism, racism, or as in this case, sexual assault.

When survivors do try to come forward, they are faced with ostracization and an overall lack of institutional protection. The consensus seems to be that while instances of abuse are widely-known by teammates, coaches, and staff, this knowledge never results in consequences for abusers. In 2020, 14 previous junior hockey players launched a class action lawsuit against the Canadian Hockey League (CHL), alleging disturbing and continuous hazing rituals, including forms of mental, physical, and sexual abuse. These claims are graphic, and focus on how the CHL has perpetuated a toxic environment that condones violence, discrimination, physical and sexual abuse, all on the underage players they are supposed to protect. This is a culture that encourages and rewards silence – one where everyone is aware of the abuse that occurs without taking action against it, all because taking action might threaten the pursuit of victory. With Kyle Beach, numerous players and staff were aware of the allegations. Instead of intervening, staff delayed action, all while teammates reportedly “teased” Beach about the assault, even using homophobic slurs to further alienate him.

Hockey, particularly among professionals, puts winning above everything. Gretchen Kerr, a professor at the University of Toronto who researches athlete maltreatment, observes that the league needs to shift to focus less on winning and more on players’ wellbeing. Kyle Beach’s case highlights the deliberate choice to put the playoff win above the individual. Abuses this severe require sustained, structural change. While the current abuse reporting system within the NHL has “no oversight, transparency, or accountability,” calls have already been made for the league to see a neutral third party investigate future cases of abuse. Concrete measures that protect player safety over league profit are long overdue.

When asked about the future, Kyle Beach responded: “I don’t know when it’s going to be enough for the NHL to step in and say enough is enough and take the necessary steps and take the necessary action to make a difference and protect the players that make the NHL what it is.” The NHL has a responsibility to change, and to change now. Those in power – whether it be the league commissioner, general managers, franchise owners, or the myriad of other senior management and staff – have to stop sweeping allegations under the rug in pursuit of victory. Concrete and transparent reporting and investigation processes with third-party oversight have to be implemented to ensure this never happens again. If the league doesn’t change now, there is no question that abuses, of this kind and others, will continue. 

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It’s essential to note here that it didn’t have to be this way – if the Canadian government had prioritized stricter lockdown measures and curbed the initial spread of COVID-19 from the outset of the pandemic, the public healthcare system would be much better equipped to treat other infectious diseases while also monitoring the spread of COVID-19. Even though the state of public health since the onset of the pandemic means that resources have been stretched thin, this is not an excuse for the erasure of these diseases and those who live with them. Rather, it is our responsibility to ensure that our government’s strategies for continuing to address COVID-19 adequately accommodate those living with other infectious diseases. 

The fight for HIV and other infectious disease treatment is an ongoing one. In 2016, Canada committed to achieving three key targets aimed toward the elimination of HIV as a public health threat by 2030: 

1. diagnosing 90 per cent of people with HIV;

2. treating 90 per cent of those diagnosed;

3. a 90 per cent success rate of suppressing the virus to undetectable levels in those treated.

Supervised consumption sites, HIV prevention clinics, and counselling services have all been cornerstones to Canada’s strategy to combat the spread of other infectious diseases, yet all of these have taken a hit from reallocation of resources due to COVID-19.

Existing structural inequities in the treatment of infectious diseases

It’s important to recognize the disproportionate impact that these infectious diseases have on communities that already receive a significantly lower standard of care from the public health system.

Intravenous drug use contributes to the spread of HIV and other infectious diseases, for example, through needle sharing. Since those struggling with addiction or who are homeless are statistically more likely to take drugs intravenously, they are put at a higher risk. Indigenous communities are also disproportionately exposed to a rise in infectious disease; pre-COVID-19 counts report that although Indigenous people represent 5 per cent of Canada’s population, they account for approximately 11.3 per cent of new HIV cases reported in Canada. Colonialism, racism, social exclusion, and suppression of self-determination have all been identified as determinants that have influenced Indigenous health and increase the risk of contracting HIV. Within this, lack of culturally safe care – meaning care that is compatible with Indigenous structures of knowledge and allows for self-determination – presents a structural barrier to Indigenous people attempting to access HIV treatment.

Structural inequalities such as poverty, stigma, homelessness, and inequitable public health access have been exacerbated by the pandemic. As many Canadians face job insecurity and loss of housing, the associated level of susceptibility rises. As health resources are diverted to address the pandemic, the availability of resources for individuals in precarious situations decreases, effectively limiting the routes through which an individual can access support. The effects of COVID-19 are also not distributed evenly across socio-economic and racial groups: both low-income workers and people of colour have had to contend with higher rates of COVID-19 infection and job loss due to the pandemic. This results in people of racialized groups and people in financially precarious situations simultaneously having to contend with heightened susceptibility and limited access to testing, early-intervention measures, and care that would curb the spread of HIV and other infectious diseases.

Breaking down stigma and barriers of access: a harm reductionist approach

Stigmatization creates a barrier to the accessibility of resources that has to be broken down in order for early testing and prevention strategies to have a fighting chance; this is why taking a harm reduction approach is essential in any efforts to help those living with HIV or other infectious diseases. Stigma, “the negative association of a person or group who share characteristics of a certain disease,” stops people from accessing treatment by making individuals reluctant to seek as well as treat that diagnosis. Stigmatization can take a significant mental health toll through increasing isolation, anxiety, and depression, all of which can result in hesitancy to access care. This makes destigmatization an essential first step to combating the spread of HIV and other infectious diseases. Destigmatization has proven its importance within a larger framework of harm reduction; it has played a tangible role in increasing the accessibility of supervised consumption sites throughout the opioid epidemic.

In spite of this, de-stigmatization alone is not enough. The only way to fully combat the rise of infectious diseases during the COVID-19 pandemic is through material support to harm reduction initiatives, including supervised consumption sites, needle exchanges, and HIV prevention clinics. HIV self-testing kits, recently approved by Health Canada, are a promising development to mitigate the risks associated with the current strain on the healthcare system, although they are currently inaccessible; they aren’t readily available at pharmacies yet, and cost $34.95 plus shipping from bioLytical (an issue for those who are homeless or housing-insecure). All of these things are proven to reduce HIV infections, yet have received little support since the start of the pandemic. Dr. Alex Wong, an infectious disease specialist at Regina General Hospital, believes that the public health system is “going [to] play catch-up for years” with the new rise in HIV and other infectious diseases. This presents a fork in the road: either we take this moment to recentre healthcare practices to cater to those most vulnerable and invest now in preventative and early-intervention care measures for HIV and other infectious diseases, or we continue to fail those most impacted by inequitable healthcare access.

During COVID-19

The Canadian government has failed not only people living with HIV and other infectious diseases, but also the medical personnel and frontline workers that have worked throughout the pandemic to meet public health demands. Frontline medical personnel have been fighting COVID-19 for over a year now, and provincial governments continue to emphasize reopening and economic gains amidst surging COVID-19 case numbers. This only prolongs the diversion of public health resources, disadvantaging those living with HIV and other infectious diseases and threatening the implementation of effective care measures in the future.

It is imperative to remember that these competing crises of COVID-19 and other infectious diseases could have been controlled, had both federal and provincial governments been proactive and more carefully managed public health resources in responding to the pandemic. Lockdown measures aimed at eliminating spread with continued economic aid to individuals (such as CERB) could have mitigated the felt effects of financial precarity that lead to increased susceptibility to the spread of HIV and other infectious diseases. These measures could have also shortened the duration and intensity of COVID-19 spread in Canada, resulting in greater availability of health resources to devote to prevention and early-intervention care for HIV and other infectious diseases, as well as limited the frontline healthcare worker burnout that may prove limiting in the future. The Canadian government should already have done more.

Looking forward

In regards to infectious diseases, maintaining the status quo demonstrates not only a profound moral failure on the part of the Canadian government at all levels, but also a fundamentally structural issue that needs to be addressed. This is a structural issue that can only be remedied through destigmatization, accessible testing, and early-intervention/care measures.

These are all feasible steps, and although they inherently require  structural change, taking action in the community makes a difference. We can get involved at a local harm reduction initiative, such as AIDS Community Care Montreal, Head and Hands, and CACTUS Montreal.  locally. We can practice destigmatization in our social environments, as well as our academic and professional environments. We can support calls on the government to provide services like supervised consumption sites, to provide better education and protection to people susceptible to HIV and other infectious diseases.

The road out of COVID-19 will be difficult, and will have serious implications for our social and economic circumstances. Dealing with the compounding effects of crisis after crisis will leave many having a difficult time processing the trauma of the past year. For those processing this alongside processing a heavily stigmatized infectious disease diagnosis, the difficulty will only grow, especially without adequate intervention and care. We have a responsibility, as individuals and as a society, to do everything in our power to ensure that our public health institutions are protecting those who are systematically left unprotected amongst us, particularly those impacted by the rise of HIV as well as other infectious diseases.

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McGill University as a whole has failed to adequately address its history of colonialism, despite the consistent appeals of student groups, activists, and academics. The University could have used the bicentennial as an opportunity to truly reflect on the past – to establish more inclusive iconography (e.g., replacing the statue of James McGill, who gained his wealth from the exploitation of enslaved people) and listen to the demands of BIPOC students to address systemic racism at the university. Instead, the bicentennial has been used as part of an ongoing campaign to glorify the university amidst renewed efforts to show the university as it truly is: a colonial, white supremacist institution that refuses to acknowledge, much less reckon with, the past and its continuation into the present and future.

Dr. Charmaine Nelson, former Art History Professor at McGill, released a 98-page document on June 22, 2020, titled “Slavery and McGill University: Bicentennial Recommendations,” with the help of some of her students. Amongst larger historical overviews of slavery in New France and Western universities, the report also included a critical biography of James McGill as a slave owner and multiple sections of recommendations to redress McGill’s colonial legacy.

The critical biography of James McGill, written by Lucy Brown and Emma Risdale, is especially important in the context of the bicentennial. While the University celebrates its history, the critical biography offers a counterpoint that asks the essential question: what history is the university really celebrating as it marks 200 years of existence? The report shows that the history being celebrated is not that of a self-made, enterprising James McGill (as is so often championed), but rather that of an exploitative enslaver who built the university from the wealth amassed from the Transatlantic Slave Trade.

James McGill began his career in the fur trade and later expanded into the transoceanic and West Indian trade. With this expansion, McGill’s trade empire relied almost entirely on plantation crops and goods that were produced by enslaved labour. This meant that the mercantile business that provided James McGill with his prosperity, that allowed him to donate land and funds for the establishment of McGill University was entirely reliant on the labour and expendability of thousands of enslaved people throughout the West Indies. In addition to owning a trade empire that relied on the exploitation of enslaved Black and Indigenous people, James McGill himself was a slave owner and trader, and at various points in his life “he owned at least five people of both African and [I]ndigenous origins.” McGill also proctored a significant number of sales of enslaved people throughout his lifetime. Upon his death in 1813 and subsequent endowment of land and funds to establish McGill University, James McGill solidified his position as part of the wealthy, elite “white men who used their wealth made from the exploitation of enslaved people and colonial trade built upon Transatlantic Slavery to found academic institutions throughout the English colonies and North America.”

Even within this brief summary of the life and death of James McGill as well as the subsequent establishment of McGill University, it becomes apparent what his real legacy is. Despite this, McGill administration seems content to celebrate the legacy of James McGill as one of ‘complexity’ that “included different dimensions, some positive, others not so,” according to an email sent by principal Suzanne Fortier following the defacement of his statue in July 2021. This reduction is nothing short of institutional violence against BIPOC students on campus, especially following the movement to remove McGill’s statue from campus altogether. Even though removing the James McGill statue would only constitute one symbolic step in fighting systemic racism on campus, it is a step that the administration refuses to take nonetheless. In doing so McGill University only reinforces the sanctity of its colonial record while actively ignoring calls made by BIPOC students.

Furthermore, McGill University only seems committed to taking half-measures that preserve its future as a so-called “diverse and welcoming” institution while obscuring its perpetuation of settler colonialism. James McGill’s statue was quietly removed following its defacement to be repaired, and Fortier has said that the fate of the statue, once repaired, remains to be decided. Aside from the lack of willingness to commit to the removal of the statue, McGill University has also failed to heed the calls made by Dr. Nelson in the aforementioned report: namely, the creation of a Department of African and Black Diasporas Studies and an Indigenous Studies department. While the University has frequently publicly referenced its Equity, Diversity, and Inclusion strategic plan, it has failed to maintain transparency throughout its process and so far, little has materialized from its adoption, particularly in regards to equitable representation and resources for BIPOC staff and students.

Outside of explicit calls to address systemic racism at McGill University, the administration continues to financially support settler colonialism both domestically and abroad. The University has downright refused to divest from fossil fuels, an industry that enacts violence against Indigenous people in Canada through environmental and cultural destruction. On the international level, just this past year, McGill University once again refused to divest from corporations complicit in the violence enacted by the settler-colonial Israeli regime in Palestine. In both of these instances, the University has prioritized profit over any rejections of colonial atrocities, and through such continues to perpetuate these systems of violence. Time and time again, McGill University proves its interests lie in maintaining its position as a profitable colonial institution while paying lip-service to the communities impacted most by its actions.

In the face of institutional harm and disregard for the demands of BIPOC, it’s essential that McGill students not only acknowledge these fundamental truths about the University’s past, but also take action in a way that produces change in the future. One easy step is to sign the petition to replace James McGill’s statue with a tree. Signing the petition is, as previously stated, only one step in addressing systemic racism at McGill. Another essential step is for students to read Dr. Nelson’s report and call on the University administration to follow the faculty and student recommendations to redress McGill’s colonial legacy, including but not limited to the expansion of Black and Indigenous faculties and full oversight of equity, inclusion, and diversity policies by an appointed advocate.  

Another step towards action is to support the student organizations who have consistently put in the work to bring McGill’s colonial legacy to the forefront. Some of these organizations are detailed on the following page.

Black Students’ Network

From their website:

“The Black Students’ Network (BSN) is a service provided through the Student Society of McGill University (SSMU), and is available to all McGill students who are interested in the affairs of Black students and those of the larger African Diaspora. We host a range of social and political events by and for Black Students, in addition to hosting discussions and providing mentoring and resources. This includes Soul Food Fridays, Blacktivities, Book Club, Youth Day, Skillshares, workshops, Hair Day, Movie Nights, Parties, Mentorship Programs, alumni events, panels, and more!”

What the BSN does:

“Our mission is fundamentally to sensitize the McGill community to issues faced by Black people both historically and presently. While acknowledging these challenges, BSN endeavours to make McGill’s campus safe and accessible for black students in order to support their academic success as well as mental and physical well-being. While dedicated to addressing the needs and interests of Black students, all interested students, irrespective of race, culture or creed, are encouraged to participate in the organization’s numerous events and activities.”

Why BSN’s work is important:

“The BSN is necessary at a university with an overwhelmingly small percentile of Black students and professors. The services provided by BSN fundamentally aim to maintain the rights of Black students and to ensure that all students of the African Diaspora feel they have a community to turn to. The BSN’s work thus pertains to establishing the foundations of complete equity at McGill and creating institutional memory which commemorates Black peoples’ contributions to the university. Through doing so, we hope to be instrumental in helping Black students achieve success throughout their university experience and more importantly, leave behind a legacy for other Black students to follow.”

For more information on the BSN, visit www.bsnmcgill.com

Indigenous Student Alliance

From their website and Facebook:

“The Indigenous Student Alliance (ISA) is a community of Indigenous students and allies based at McGill University. The ISA aims to foster Indigenous community growth, unite Indigenous students and allies, and develop relationships with other marginalized communities. The ISA’s work is in constant conversation with the ideas and hopes presented by Indigenous students, with the goal of bringing them into being. All are welcome!”

What does the ISA do:

“The Indigenous Student Alliance provides integrative support for Indigenous peoples attending McGill University and helps connect and share our unique, authentic indigenous ways of knowing with each other and with non-indigenous peoples within the community. Our vision is to develop and maintain on-going networking and partnerships with University student groups and organizations through learning–teaching relationships that foster real and meaningful human development and community solidarity. As a small group encompassing undergraduates, graduates, and professional degree students, we have chosen to be based out of the First Peoples’ House at McGill University.”

For more information on the ISN and their events see their Facebook page: @Indigenous.Student.Alliance

Students in Solidarity for Palestinian Human Rights (SPHR) McGill

From their Facebook:

“SPHR is a non-hierarchical student organization that advocates to uphold the rights of the Palestinian people in the face of human rights violations and all forms of racism, discrimination, misinformation, and misrepresentation.”

For more information on SPHR McGill and their actions see their Facebook page: @sphrmcgill

Divest McGill

From their website:

“Divest McGill is an environmental justice campaign calling on McGill University to acknowledge and address the urgency of the climate crisis by withdrawing the direct (segregated) investments of its endowment fund from the fossil fuel industry. It is also a team of 150 students who have, over the last 7 years, committed time and energy into research, education and mobilization to demand better of their University.”

Goals:

1. Complete and transparent divestment from the top 200 fossil fuel companies  (globally, by reserves)

2. Mobilize our supporters in solidarity with Indigenous and other marginalized students on campus, in Montreal, and in Canada

3. Educate and mobilize the McGill community (administration, staff, and students) in support of bold and justice-oriented climate action such as carbon neutrality and pipeline resistance

Why is Divestment important:

“More than $9.94 trillion is being divested from the fossil fuel industry all around the world, and 15% of that comes from educational institutions. We began our campaign in the Fall of 2012, and we’ve been building a strong coalition ever since. Through petitions and formal endorsements, we’ve gained the support of thousands of students; several faculty and staff members (see the McGill Faculty and Librarians for Divestment); as well as major student associations, faculties, and the McGill Senate.

High-profile institutions have a duty to lead the much needed green and just transition of our economies. This starts by removing the moral license to operate given to the fossil fuel industry, an industry with a powerful lobby and a vested interest in preventing emissions reductions.”

For more information on Divest McGill, visit www.divestmcgill.com

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