Both resurgent European fascism and ‘Islamic’ fascism recruit populations who are economically marginalized and feel powerless because of their alienation from the political process. According to Russian revolutionary Leon Trotsky, fascism is a “plebeian movement in origin, directed and financed by big capitalist powers.” In Europe, fascism has built its ideology around the construct of the nation state, whereas in the Middle East, where the states are postcolonial artifacts, fascism builds around both ethnic and sectarian lines. Despite this difference, Trotsky’s description remains disturbingly accurate in the case of Daesh, which has been reported as receiving direct funding from rich individuals in many countries, both Islamic and non-Islamic. These individuals – who benefit from Daesh’s lucrative oil trade, for example – seem determined to maintain and capitalize on Daesh for as long as it can prove useful to their economic interests. In the West, a sector of the capitalist class also profits from terrorism and war – note, for example, how the stocks of weapon manufacturers surged after last November’s Paris attacks.

In the days after the Paris attacks, there was a deliberate attempt by the ruling class to capitalize on the attacks by multiplying the terror effect on the population.

The fascist character of Daesh has also proven extremely useful for the European political elite, notably in France, where it has been keen on taking advantage of the attacks to promote its own agendas. In the days after the Paris attacks, there was a deliberate attempt by the ruling class to capitalize on the attacks by multiplying the terror effect on the population, in particular through the French government’s ban on public demonstrations. This manipulation has helped to align the population with the government, give increased powers to security forces, and restrict political dissent in ways unrelated to terrorism, such as the repression of climate change activists during the COP21 conference. Ruling elites routinely manipulate the fear created by terrorist attacks into an opportunity to consolidate their power. By appealing to fear, the ruling class is able to further propagate it and use it as a form of social imposition and control. In this context, the state has the opportunity to reassert and legitimize its monopoly on the use of force.

‘Islamic’ fascists in the Middle East and resurgent xenophobic elements in Europe are now entangled in an escalating feedback loop that works for the benefit of both – Europeans fear terrorism, and their violent backlash stimulates the hatred that helps fuel recruitment for terrorist organizations. Refugees from Syria and other warzones who cross into Europe may soon find themselves trapped between Scylla and Charybdis: trying to flee Daesh, they can only hope to be spared from the aggression of Europe’s xenophobes. Meanwhile, capitalists and governing classes manipulate terrorism and use it to their own advantage, cynically creating opportunity for themselves amid global catastrophe.

Constantinos Yanniris is a PhD candidate in the Department of Integrated Studies in Education. To contact him, email constantinos.yanniris@mcgill.ca.

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Historical examples show that refugees largely make positive contributions to their host countries. Between 1922 and 1923, one and a half million Anatolian Greek refugees followed the same path as the Syrians now follow to migrate from Turkey to Greece as a result of the 1919-22 war between the two countries; half a million Turks followed the reverse route into Turkey. The 1922-23 Greek refugees did not receive a particularly warm reception in Greece. Financially destitute, they were initially sheltered in tents. However, contemporary Greek historians agree that these migrants helped the country develop socially and economically, and contributed to the modernization of Greece’s political system. Many of them were highly educated and brought new ideas to the newly founded Greek republic. Europe also saw a current of emigration when more than 100,000 Jews fled Germany for Canada and the U.S. to escape the rise of Nazism. They made powerful contributions to the post-war cultural, academic, and economic development of their new countries. Despite having been uprooted and having lost everything, refugees managed to rebuild their lives and have a remarkable impact on the communities that they joined.

Many Western governments have directly contributed to the crisis in the Middle East. For this reason, the welcoming of Syrian, Iraqi, and Afghan refugees of war is not only about humanitarianism – it is a minimum act of war reparation.

Let’s return to the Syrians. Having liquidated their properties, they struggle their way into Europe illegally, on rubber boats, since the legal way is effectively blocked by the European governments. Ostensibly, the 250,000 Syrian refugees who made it into Europe belong to a relatively exclusive group. They represent only 2 per cent of the total population of displaced persons in Syria – the only ones who had the financial resources and physical and mental health to make the expensive and exhausting journey. Even if they’ve spent the last of their savings on their way to Europe, they are left with something they can never lose – their education. In their baggage, these people carry the social resources and courage necessary to restore their livelihoods. Many of them young, they also represent a promising demographic of potential citizens for the aging European countries.

Both socially and economically, Europeans only stand to gain from opening their doors to Syrian refugees. European governments should look past the bigotry of their racist and xenophobic constituents, and embrace migrants and the life experience they bring with them.

Constantinos Yanniris is a PhD candidate in the Department of Integrated Studies in Education. To contact him, email constantinos.yanniris@mcgill.ca.

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