“Unfortunately, history gives few examples of people who learn the lessons of their own history.”

– Time for Outrage by Stéphane Hessel

Stéphane Hessel, resistance fighter, diplomat, and co-author of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights wrote these words discussing the aptitude of humans to forget their history and repeat past errors. Following the Second World War, the concept of “never again” emerged as an international commitment to prevent genocide. However, since then, this expression has needed to be invoked too many times. 

History has shown that the international community has stood by, again and again, as genocide unfolds. Since 1945, there have been more than 50 instances of such crimes against humanity, according to scholar Barbara Harff. Genocides have caused more civilian deaths in this period than all civil and international wars combined. This represents a massive failure on the part of the international community, which committed itself to the UN Convention for the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of  Genocide, adopted in 1948. 

As genocide happens again and again, “never again” has become an empty slogan, a lost promise, or an unattainable ideal. The international community seems to have little power to fulfill its promise to prevent genocide. From Bangladesh to Darfur, humanity is still struggling to meet its commitment. Many have argued that this is in part because of a misunderstanding about how to define genocide and what genocide prevention looks like. 

Polish-Jewish lawyer Raphael Lemkin first coined the term ‘genocide’ in 1944. It consists of the Greek prefix genos, meaning race or tribe, and the Latin suffix cide, meaning killing. Under the 1948 convention, genocide is an internationally recognized crime where acts are committed with the intent to destroy — in whole or in part — a national, ethnic, racial, or religious group. These acts fall into five categories: killing members of the group; causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part; imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group; and forcibly transferring children of the group to another group. The International Court of Justice (ICJ) has repeatedly stated that the Convention embodies principles that are part of general customary international law. This means that whether or not states have ratified the Genocide Convention, they are all bound as a matter of law by the principle that genocide is a crime prohibited under international law. The ICJ has also stated that the prohibition of genocide is a peremptory norm of international law (or ius cogens) and consequently, no derogation from it is allowed.

However, trying to build an exhaustive list of genocides is an impossible task. Too many times has either disagreements, disregarded evidence or political agendas come in the way of recognizing a genocide for what it is. 

Rapidly, the use of the term genocide or the lack thereof has thus become a political tool. Sadly, recent events in Gaza have exemplified the debate over the use or not of the term genocide. Marie Lamensch, the Coordinator of  Program and Outreach of the Montreal Institute for Genocide and Human Rights Study, explained in an interview with the Daily why the term genocide is a source of political contention: 

“Genocide doesn’t happen in one day. It’s a process that takes time. It’s not like the murder of one person, it is something usually that is organized at least a few years in advance because it requires such an apparatus. […] For example, during the Rwandan genocide, France and the US, refused to use the term genocide because they knew what kind of an impact it would have on people’s minds and they thought, “oh if I use the term genocide that means I have to do something. I have to act. So that is why it is often politicized.””

In the intricate realm of the politics of genocide, the term itself has transformed into a multifaceted tool shaped by geopolitical interests, influencing its application and reception on the international stage. This selective usage, often witnessed when powerful nations refrain from labeling the actions of allies as genocide while readily condemning adversaries, has the potential to erode the credibility and universality of the term. For instance, the Rohingya Crisis in Myanmar, widely acknowledged as ethnic cleansing and genocide by human rights organizations, exposes the hesitancy of certain governments with economic and political ties to Myanmar in employing the term “genocide”.

Moreover, political leaders strategically wield the term as a rhetorical instrument to rally public support or condemnation, as observed in the conflict in Darfur, Sudan, where the United States’ declaration of genocide in 2004 was perceived as a calculated political move to exert pressure on the Sudanese government. Lamensch commented on the impact of using the term genocide saying that while “in 2003, in Darfour, for example, it did lead to concrete action. But, for example, now there is a genocide going on once again in Sudan. Now nobody’s talking about it when it’s a clear case of genocide.” The UN has reported that since April 2023 more than 9000 people have been killed and 5.6 million have been forcibly displaced. The fact that ten years ago similar disturbingly violent events were unraveling and recognized as genocide and now no one even dares to mention it clearly shows the political motivations of the international community at the time. In addition to being a geopolitical issue public opinion also matters in the denunciation of genocide. “So it’s a double standard because they are African people, it seems far away from us. So it’s also a case of probably racism” Lamensch told the Daily. 

Instances of denial emerge when governments accused of genocide vehemently reject allegations, exemplified by the Turkish government’s persistent denial of the Armenian genocide, framing the events within a broader wartime context and asserting that the term “genocide” was misused. 

Lastly, the term’s impact extends beyond legal ramifications, influencing public perception and historical memory. In the case of the Uyghur genocide allegations, the term “genocide” is not only a legal designation but also a potent tool that resonates in the public consciousness, shapes diplomatic engagements, guides international responses, and contributes to the long-term historical narrative. Lamensch explained how genocide recognition shapes geopolitics:

“It can bring important tensions between geopolitically as well not to recognize a genocide. If you look at China currently committing grave human rights violations against the Uyghur in China […] the Canadian government has not recognized a genocide, but the parliament has. One of the reasons that a lot of governments refuse to use kind of the word genocide for what’s happening in China, even though there’s growing evidence that genocide is taking place, is because they know that if you use that term, there’s going to be consequences for the country.” 

The ongoing debates surrounding the term underscores its significance in framing discussions on human rights, accountability, and the global responsibility to address alleged atrocities. 

The collective acceptance that certain acts of genocide are “genocide” while others are “ethnic cleansing,” “civil war,” and “ethnic conflict” showcases the role played by a collective understanding when defining something as a genocide. That collective understanding exists in collective memory, which refers to the shared memories, experiences, and interpretations of a group or community. It is a form of cultural memory that transcends individual recollections and becomes part of the broader identity and consciousness of a societal group. 

Genocide and collective memory are inextricably linked, given that the process of memory construction is inherently political. Memory is a site of power construction, where power relations, dynamics of oppression, and political discourses are shaped. Collective memory is mobilized at different stages of a genocide. It is first mobilized during a genocide by the perpetrators and the victims. The perpetrators manipulate collective memory to justify their actions, asking the population to justify the massacre according to widespread historical narratives of oppression, marginalization, or exclusion. As genocide is prepared through the diffusion of genocidal intent and messages, perpetrators are able to influence collective perceptions through propaganda and hateful messages.  In the case of the Rwandan genocide, the government had been encouraging the population to participate in the genocide through continuous broadcasting of hateful ideology on state radios. Radios congratulated citizens for killing Tutsis and encouraged those who hadn’t to partake in the action. Lamensch explains that “in order to accept that the government is going to kill this many people, you have to start hating the other.” 

Collective memory is notably mobilized post-genocide as a site of power construction, where perpetrators can find consequences or absolution for their acts, while victims can find recognition or face the risk of their experiences being questioned and discredited. Thus, post-genocide, there is an immediate interest in shaping the narrative. It is easier for perpetrators of genocide to frame their actions as non-genocidal if the international community did not refer to their actions as “genocide” during the genocide. Moreover, it is also easier for them to be absolved if there are few survivors left to advocate for international recognition of genocide. 

Therefore, the recognition of an event as a genocide shapes the experiences of perpetrators and victims. It also influences collective memory. Almost everyone still remembers the Holocaust  as a horrifying genocide perpetrated by Hitler and the Nazis against the Jews during World War II. The Holocaust has done irreparable harm to Jews across the world and has caused severe intergenerational trauma, PTSD, and cultural damage. Recognizing the Holocaust as a genocide creates a collective space of memory where the atrocities committed against the Jewish population are rightfully remembered. 

Lamensch explained that recognition of genocide within collective memory is also essential for victims: “I know it’s just a recognition and it’s very symbolic, but that symbol is important for the victims because at least it doesn’t deny the death of their family members. So I think that’s something very important for the families and for the victims.” She then added that “even though the Armenian genocide took place more than 100 years ago, a lot of Armenians are still fighting for that kind of recognition. The government of Canada has recognized it, but a lot of governments have not.”

However, many populations who have experienced genocide do not benefit from the existence of a collective memory acknowledging their experiences. As genocide aims for the complete elimination of one group, the elimination of said group’s culture, history, language, or customs is often a part of the process. Fostering spaces of collective memory helps to keep these elements alive. When collective memory does not accurately recall a genocide due to the political manipulations of perpetrators or the international community, the desired impact of the genocide continues as affected populations are not supported in their recollection processes.

Lamensch also mentioned our collective duty of remembrance. She mentioned that the presence of a Holocaust museum in Montreal and the fact that from now on, in Quebec the study of genocide was going to become mandatory in curriculums was a crucial aspect for each one of us to uphold this universal responsibility of memory. She explained: “I think that’s one way that you prevent hate and anti semitism and different forms of hate, islamophobia because we always say that genocide begins with words. Because in order to accept, for example, that the government is going to kill this and this many people, you have to start hating the other. So there needs to be a lot of hate speech for someone to start seeing the other as a threat. So that’s also something that kids should learn at school. How does genocide happen and what does it mean?”  

Lastly, collective memory also plays a crucial role in preventing genocide. When genocide is collectively condemned and remembered, it allows for a reflection on the power dynamics that leads to such extremes and for a reflection on what can be done to prevent them from happening in the future. 

The post The politics of genocide and memory  appeared first on The McGill Daily.

Hello fellow Hobbits. If you have ever wanted to meet a lone strider on a rainy night at the Prancing Pony, then this recipe will take you there! Bonus: you can enjoy this without your enemy desperately trying to kill you to get the One Ring (obsessive much?)

For this recipe you will need:

• 15-20 small potatoes (highly recommend the ones from The Little Potato Company)
• Half a box of mushrooms or a whole one if you are using one variety
• 8/10 King Oyster Mushrooms
• Shallots and garlic
• Vegetable broth
• Butter and flour
• Bay leaves
• Green onions and parsley

Begin by sweating down your preferred quantity of shallots and garlic in a pot with butter. Once they are done, add in your finely sliced mushrooms to cook them through. Meanwhile, cut your potatoes and green onions into small squares. Add them to the pot when the mushrooms are cooked, along with salt, pepper, and two bay leaves. Cover with a mixture of broth and water and bring to a boil. Let that simmer for 25 minutes, stirring occasionally. Meanwhile, make a roux by melting your butter in a pan and adding flour. A paste should form. Once your potatoes are cooked through, add your roux to the stew. The roux will add a rich and creamy texture to the stew while retaining the texture of the veggies. Simmer for an additional 10 minutes. Garnish with fresh parsley upon serving and you will have just made yourself a delicious meal! You will also have demonstrated one of the many dishes you can make with potatoes to your weird Middle Earth guide, Gollum (who keeps talking about his precious for some reason).

The Fellowship’s Special Cocoa

Nothing is better than a hot chocolate when you are feeling down or need some cheering up. If you “lose” your dear friend to a Balrog, your companions to a pack of orcs, your ring bearer to a scary spider’s stinger, or if you need to be there for your friend’s claim to the throne of Gondor, this drink will save the day. So trust me, the Fellowship has drank liters of this hot chocolate.

For this recipe you will need:

• A can of whipped cream
• Milk
• Dark chocolate or cocoa powder
• Marshmallows

Begin by heating up your milk over the stove. Once your milk is warm, you can add your chocolate squares to the pot. You can use cocoa powder if you do not have a chocolate bar, but trust me – the melty chocolate makes such a difference. While your chocolate is melting, grate some chocolate to make flakes. Once your chocolate and the milk are well-mixed together, you can transfer your drink to a mug. Garnish your hot chocolate with a lot of whipped cream for a truly decadent experience. Add your chocolate flakes or cocoa powder on top of the whipped cream. Add a marshmallow and a chocolate square for a pretty and delish hot chocolate. This drink is perfect to make yourself a sweet treat and cheer you up. I highly recommend drinking this while watching The Two Towers as you will be so busy relishing in the experience, you won’t have time to tell your friends that Viggo Mortensen broke his toe kicking the helmet!

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Hi readers! Here is the perfect recipe for the fall and winter seasons, if you want a heartwarming, easy, and delish meal. This risotto recipe uses the seasonal ingredients leeks and mushrooms and is guaranteed to impress anyone you decide to feed it to. For this recipe you will need:

• 2 leeks
• A box of mushrooms (227 grams)
• 1/12 cups of rice
• Shallots
• The broth of your choice
• 1/4 cup of butter
• White wine (if you’re feeling extra fancy)
• Parmesan (optional)

Begin by cooking your mushrooms and then stir-frying them in a pan with olive oil and the spices of your choice. Once your mushrooms are cooked through and have a nice flavour, set them aside in a bowl. Cook your shallots and leek in the same pan you used for the mushrooms. Once your leeks have a nice colour and your shallots are soft, you can add your dry rice. Continue to sauté the ingredients for a few minutes (if you have some wine add 40ml and let it evaporate), while you heat your broth. Once the broth is ready, add little by little your broth to the pan. Stir frequently, until the rice has absorbed the liquid. Repeat this step until your rice has cooked through. The act of stirring frequently will create a creamy sauce. Once the rice is cooked add some butter and parmesan. You can now add your mushrooms back to the pan and give them a quick stir before plating your risotto. Adding the mushrooms at the end allows them to retain their delicious earthy flavor. You can top your meal with flavourful parmesan (or the 3 dollar Gran Regale at Segals which works perfectly). You now have a delish meal that tastes amazing, uses fresh seasonal products, and will keep you warm.

Super Secret Special Cookies

No meal is ever complete without a little sweet treat. This is why I have decided to share with our readers the most amazing and delicious cookie recipe. This recipe will give you huge cookies with big chocolate chunks that are soft on the inside and crispy on the outside. You will need:

• 125 grams of softened butter
• 120 grams of brown sugar
• 70 grams of white sugar
• 205 grams of flour
• 1 egg
• 1 teaspoon baking soda
• 1 chocolate bar or chocolate chips

Mix the softened butter with the two sugars. Once you have a paste-like consistency, add the egg. When your mixture is homogeneous, incorporate the flour and the baking soda. Your batter should be a little bit sticky but do not hesitate to add a little bit more flour if you’d like to have less of a sticky consistency. Do not over mix the batter as you risk ending up with tough cookies. If you have a bar of chocolate, chop it into big chunks of chocolate and add it to the batter (or the chocolate chips if you chose to use chocolate chips.) To have thin, crispy cookies, cook them for 20 minutes at 300ºF. For big chewy cookies, make two balls, one bigger and one smaller than the other, and layer the small one on top of the big one. Cook them for 20 minutes at 320ºF: this will give you a chewy texture and a big delicious cookie. I encourage you to regularly check your cookies as all ovens cook differently. This recipe makes about 12 big cookies that you can share with friends, roommates, or just for you to enjoy if you are feeling cookielicious!

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On August 20, the Spanish women’s soccer team triumphed 1–0 over England and lifted the FIFA Women’s World Cup for the first time in its history. This landmark victory is the second time Spain has won a World Cup since the men’s team’s victory in 2010. However, the women’s team’s victory was immediately overshadowed when the head of the Spanish Football Federation (RFEF), Luis Rubiales, gave player Jenni Hermoso an unconsensual kiss when celebrating the team’s victory. Hermoso is the top goal-scorer in the history of Spain’s women’s team and was a pillar in leading the team to victory.

Following the outrage on social media and from media outlets, the RFEF immediately downplayed the gesture by quoting Hermoso, stating: “It was a completely spontaneous mutual gesture due to the immense joy of winning a World Cup. The president and I have a great relationship; his behavior towards all of us has been exemplary, and it was a natural expression of affection and gratitude.” Meanwhile, Rubiales was seen on video laughing about the gesture, saying that he would take the team to Ibiza to celebrate his wedding to Hermoso. 

The quote attributed to Hermoso by the RFEF is false. She has never stated that she consented to the gesture or that she was comfortable with Rubiales’ actions. Instead, Hermoso bravely published a statement on social media where she wrote that she felt disrespected and violated by Rubiales due to his violent and misogynistic act. Moreover, she declared that she had faced significant pressure from the RFEF to publish a statement condoning Rubiales’ actions. Hermoso also insisted in her statement that this accident is inscribed in a long list of abusive behaviours that players have been reporting for years. 

Hermoso received huge amounts of support from fellow Spanish players, with 81 players going on strike to protest the aggression she faced but also their working conditions. The players declared that they would not return to their teams unless there were significant changes in the leadership. Meanwhile, Rubiales has been suspended – but not dismissed from his functions by FIFA – because he publicly refused to resign while continuing to defend his gesture. Hermoso has lodged a formal complaint against Rubiales for sexual assault and he risks a criminal case.

In the weeks since, Rubiales has received support from the women’s team coach, Jorge Vilda, and the men’s coach, Luis de la Fuente, who were both seen clapping during a speech in which he called his detractors “fake feminists.” The support that Rubiales has garnered from people within the RFEF and the organization itself isn’t surprising, as the organization has historically dismissed the concerns of its women players.

Clearly, the RFEF is an organization that protects men in positions of power when they abuse women. In her statement, Hermoso wrote: “attitudes like these have been daily occurrences in our national team for years.” The women’s team victory hasn’t come without personal cost to the players. They have had to endure sexist and abusive behaviour from coaches supported by the RFEF. 

Abuses of power seem to be commonplace in the Spanish Football Federation. In fact, the recently dismissed head coach, Jorge Vilda, was only appointed after the RFEF shamefully dismissed Ignacio Quereda. Quereda had held the position for more than 27 years but was replaced due to players’ complaints of sexist, homophobic, and abusive behaviour. The players were able to have Quereda replaced, but only after speaking to the press about the abusive behavior they faced. When they complained internally to the RFEF, the federation’s ex-president, Angel Villar, dismissed their concerns and enabled Quereda’s behaviour. 

The RFEF continued to dismiss players’ concerns when fifteen players spoke out against the management and coaching staff of the women’s team in 2022. They described feeling emotionally and physically overwhelmed and stressed that they would not return to the team unless some changes were made. Instead of supporting its players, the RFEF shamed them by making their private statement public and by declaring that the players could not return to the team unless they “asked for forgiveness.” The federation also publicly declared its support for Vilda and condemned the “pressure” they faced from the players. By downplaying grave concerns about the mental and physical health of its players, the RFEF has continued to uphold an abusive and unsafe work environment. 

Over the years, the women’s team’s concerns have consistently been dismissed by the same federation supposed to support and protect them. This situation proves that, once again, institutions would rather protect men who abuse their power than the women who suffer from their abuses. Spain in particular is a country that still has to reckon with its long-standing culture of machismo. Despite advancements in promoting equality and reforms to sexual assault laws, there are still significant cultural remnants of the Franco regime within the country. Women only regained the right to vote and have bank accounts in 1975, after enduring the “permiso marital” that legally made them their husband’s property. 

Rubiales’s refusal to resign and his reprehensible actions have opened a floodgate in Spain, where people are openly protesting against the RFEF. Under the hashtag #SeAcabo, supporters of Hermoso are declaring that they are fed up with the culture of abuse and silence perpetuated by Spanish institutions and are calling for the complete removal of Rubiales from his responsibilities. Hermoso has also received support from multiple members of the government, who have expressed their dissatisfaction with Rubiales’ behaviour and the handling of the situation by the RFEF. 

The outpour of support Hermoso has received from the general public and her teammates has been inspiring because it demonstrates a shift in our culture where women’s voices are finally heard and are not dismissed as being irrational or exaggerated. However, the support that Rubiales has garnered from far-right parties and soccer executives showcases that men will stand together when they see other men being accused of abuse. Indeed, acknowledging that these behaviours are reprehensible implies a reflection on one’s behaviours that many men in positions of power are not ready to have.  

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